"What is the role of social media on fundamental change in Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa? Online Arab Spring responds to this question, considering five countries: Egypt, Libya, Jordan, Yemen, and Tunisia, along with additional examples. The book asks why the penetration rate fo
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r social media differs in different countries: are psychological and social factors at play? Each chapter considers national identity, the legitimacy crisis, social capital, information and media literacy, and socialization. Religious attitudes are introduced as a key factor in social media, with Arabic countries in the Middle East and North Africa being characterized by Islamic trends. The insight gained will be helpful for analysing online social media effects internationally, and predicting future movements in a social context." (Publisher description)
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"In the transitional states of South East Asia, an alternative media helped mobilize support for popular uprisings against authoritarian rule. In a democratizing context which promoted press freedom, joumalists emphasized their role as ‘watchdogs‘, striving to ensure that new political leaders d
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id not betray the ideals of that anti-dictatorship movement. This media watchdog attitude in transitional South East Asia has not always been conducive to democratic stability, however. Press-based anti-corruption campaigns have sometimes had destabilizing effects. In weakly institutionalized transitional systems, harsh and sustained criticism of the moral integrity of a sitting president or prime minister and their inner circle have helped mobilize large civilian protests that in turn provided justification for the rapid removal of the executive or even military intervention against elected leaders, resulting in illiberal ‘people power‘ coups." (Page 277)
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"Mit Blick auf die Rolle sozialer Netzwerkmedien in arabischen Gesellschaften lässt sich resümierend festhalten, dass durch deren vielfältige Nutzungsmöglichkeiten während Protestphasen und unter den restriktiven Bedingungen autoritärer Herrschaft übergreifende bürgerschaftliche Identitäten
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und protestorientierte Handlungsräume geschaffen werden können. Während einer Demokratisierung des politischen Systems, in der politische Strukturen neu- und umgebildet werden müssen, haben soziale Medien aber auch ein dysfunktionales Potential. Anstelle eines übergreifenden nationalen Dialogs werden vorhandene politische Polarisierungen verstärkt." (Fazit, Seite 72-73)
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"Los países de América Latina han implementado importantes reformas de gobierno abierto durante los últimos años. La combinación de los esfuerzos a nivel nacional con el soporte que los países han obtenido por parte de la Alianza para el Gobierno Abierto (AGA) ha sido benéfica para lograr ava
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nces cruciales en diversas áreas relacionadas al gobierno abierto. Entre 2013 y 2014, la OCDE - como socio oficial multilateral de la AGA - llevó a cabo un estudio para conocer el estado actual de los estrategias y prácticas de gobierno abierto en la región. Este reporte presenta los principales hallazgos producto de la implementación de un cuestionario regional enfocado a recabar información sobre estrategias de gobierno abierto, acceso a la información y datos abiertos. En paralelo, el reporte presenta tres casos de estudio que analizan a fondo el estado del gobierno abierto en Costa Rica, Perú y Colombia. El cuestionario y el marco analítico están basados en la experiencia y estándares de la OCDE lo que permitirá a los países latinoamericanos conocer y evaluar la situación de la región en cara a las mejores prácticas internacionales. Se presentan los principales logros y desafíos regionales de una manera comparativa con la finalidad de posicionar las prácticas nacionales e institucionales desde una perspectiva global. Aparte del análisis comparativo de datos e información, el proyecto busca reforzar el marco institucional de los países partícipes del presente estudio con la finalidad de facilitar la implementación de los compromisos adquiridos dentro de la AGA y fortalecer la red regional de oficiales nacionales a cargo de gobierno abierto." (https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org)
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"Assumptions about the role of call-in programmes as open spaces for pubic engagement and accountability often fail to account for the influence of existing power structures and multiple publics engaging in these programmes for a variety of reasons. Furthermore, the history of call-in programmes rev
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eals that the nature of the medium itself can restrict participation in ways that have not been considered in the literature on media and development in Africa. As this article has argued, radio call-in shows are dynamic spaces where journalists, audiences and public authorities contribute to shaping the public debate, negotiate and renegotiate their roles, and assert and transform the networks of power that link them together. While these spaces have been hailed by academics, NGOs and donors as tools to promote institutional accountability and democratic participation, our analysis shows that they do not simply offer a new platform for citizens to speak up; they also offer a way for existing power structures to reproduce themselves in new forms. This analysis has demonstrated that motivations for calling in are diverse and reflect the multiple actors who call in, many of whom are not seeking to hold authority to account but rather to build their own reputation and social capital. These radio call-in programmes can take on different forms and be influenced by different structural, political and social factors. They are also invested with different degrees of politicisation by the audience." (Conclusion, page 1521-1522)
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"Afghanistan once housed tourists from around the world intrigued by the Silk Road stories, the poetic and mystic culture, the majestic landscape and the hospitable people. Their experience in Afghanistan was frequently captured through journalism and photojournalism of the early 1900s. However, Afg
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hanistan’s very own media culture was born during this same time with Seraj-ul-Akhbar being the country’s first newspaper, published on 11 January 1906." (Abstract)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the Palestinians perceptions towards the role of Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV in providing a platform for open discussion and create an arena for different groups to communicate freely with each other. Focus groups with a range of participants, from university students and huma
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n rights activists, to journalists and non-governmental organization employees were deployed. The article argues that the two political factions are trying to manipulate the public and conceal information that affects their power. It provides an overview of comments, and views expressed by the participants during the focus group sessions in response to a set of questions. The key findings of the study were, in the view of many respondents, that the two television channels, Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV, were controlled by the two political parties – Fatah and Hamas, respectively and that this has compromised the media’s function to public participation." (Abstract)
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"Blogs and online content contribute significantly to opinion diversity in Africa today. Because of that, they are increasingly monitored by federal agencies, which aim to more strictly define the grey zone between journalism, blog-writing and opinion stating in social media. It is especially agains
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t this backdrop that digital opinion makers deserve more attention and support." (KAS website)
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"L'article examine en particulier la relation entre les radios dites communautaires et la gouvernance locale. Se fondant sur l'exemple du Sénégal, elle montre comment la décentralisation politique et administrative d'une part et l'émergence des radios locales d'autre part ont été deux dynamiqu
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es concomitantes et intimement liées. Elle souligne combien certaines radios peuvent effectivement contribuer à améliorer la gestion de la chose publique au niveau local, mais relève aussi le caractère relativement isolé de ces bonnes pratiques." (Introduction, page 8)
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"The five reports that make up this collection are variously concerned with humanitarian aid, social and cultural evolution, crisis response, the mitigation of cultural divides, and political unrest. The themes that bind them are an international movement towards public safety; a trust-based relatio
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nship between states and citizens; community led social development; and the capacity of social media and big data to make use of, and amplify, the thoughts and voices of under-represented elements of society. Importantly, the reports also begin to question the inluence these violent contexts are having on the development of social media, where communities in crises utilise and shape these new technologies though real-time engagement. The potential of these media is being maximised to such an extent that these platforms are under strain, and developers are increasingly learning how to adapt to the needs of a variety of audiences in volatile contexts." (Introduction, page 6)
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"This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first de
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mocratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation [...] Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence." (Abstract)
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"Instead of serving the public and speaking truth to power, many media may act as mouthpieces of the powerful, repeat rumors without verification, discriminate against minorities, and feed the polarization of societies. Such media actions have a harmful influence that reaches far beyond the media se
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ctor itself. In this paper, we describe different phenomena of what we call the dark side of the media, and we look at how the dark side interacts in a dynamic way with other features of the governance environment. We propose a heuristic model to describe negative and positive dynamics between the media sector and the wider political, economic, and cultural context. New and broader strategies in media development are needed to tackle this problem." (Page 1)
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"Partisan media are often blamed for polarization in newly liberalized regimes. However, there is little empirical work on the subject, and information-processing theories suggest that extreme position taking is only one possible response to opinionated news. Rather, we theorize that partisan media
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may cause moderation in postliberalization settings, because low political sophistication and shifting political landscapes discourage partisan-motivated reasoning. We conducted a field experiment in Ghana in which tro-tros (commuter minibuses) were randomly assigned to one of four conditions. Passengers heard live talk-radio from a progovernment, pro-opposition, or neutral station, or were in a no-radio control. We find no effect of like-minded media on polarization, but significant evidence of moderation from cross-cutting broadcasts, indicating that rival arguments persuaded subjects. Partisan broadcasts also encouraged displays of national over partisan identity. Rather than fueling extremism, we argue that partisan media can moderate by exposing citizens to alternate perspectives." (Abstract)
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"Das Fernsehen ist nach wie vor das reichweitenstärkste Medium zur Information und Meinungsbildung. Mit einer „informierenden“ Tagesreichweite von knapp 60% liegt es deutlich vor dem Radio (51%) und der Tageszeitung mit 35% [...] Bei der informierenden Nutzung gestern zeigen sich deutliche Zusa
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mmenhänge mit dem Alter und Geschlecht sowie der formaler Bildung: Unter 30-Jährige informieren sich eher über das Internet als via Tageszeitung. In dieser Altersgruppe liegt das Internet sogar bereits um 10 Prozentpunkte vor dem Fernsehen klar auf Rangplatz 1. Frauen informieren sich insgesamt und insbesondere im Internet deutlich weniger (23 zu 35%). Allerdings ist die Tagesreichweite des Internets (allgemeine Nutzung) bei Frauen auch deutlich geringer als bei Männern (54 zu 65%). Ähnlich wie bei Männern verhält es sich bei formal höher Gebildeten: Insgesamt informiert sich diese Gruppe überproportional oft. Das Internet – und auch Zeitschriften, wenn auch auf niedrigerem Niveau – sind überdurchschnittlich relevant." (Seite 51-52)
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