"The outcome of this study is a prototype for a European Media Pluralism Monitor – a riskbased, holistic, user-friendly and evolving monitoring tool that includes indicators of a legal, economic and socio-demographic nature. In order to account for the multi-faceted character of media pluralism, t
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hese indicators relate to various risk domains, including media ownership and/or control, media types and genres, political pluralism, cultural pluralism and geographic pluralism. Furthermore, they cover the various stages of the media value chain: supply, distribution and use. The Monitor offers a diagnostic, not a prescriptive tool on the basis of established risk management strategies. Its purpose is to facilitate the collection of empirical data on various risks for media pluralism given the particular economic, sociodemographic and legal situation in each Member State." (Page viii)
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"In den vergangenen Jahren hat Ghana einen großen Sprung gemacht, was die Achtung der Pressefreiheit und der Menschenrechte betrifft. Aber eine grundlegende qualitative Verbesserung der Medienlandschaft würde beinhalten, dass sich die Journalisten ihrer verantwortungsvollen Rolle in einer Demokrat
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ie bewusst sind und sich nicht nur an den Vorgaben der beiden großen Parteien orientieren." (Einleitung)
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"There are, surprisingly enough, reasons to be cheerful about our media in Europe. Some of them are to be found in the pages of this publication, which reveals that the struggle for diversity and respect for equality is not lost. Far from it, the examples of innovation, originality and commitment sh
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own in some of the initiatives outlined here are inspirational and a tribute to the fact that within media and civil society there have been changes that are beginning to make a difference to the way media report and reflect the increasingly diverse European landscape." (Foreword)
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"State-run broadcasting organisations in the South are usually ill-prepared for their public-service role in new democracies. They are often poorly funded compared to their new, commercial rivals and often still bound by the same ‘rules of the game’ that governed them prior to the democratic era
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. Broadcasters typically remain accountable to government and not to their listeners, and promote the interests and agendas of the political elite. This paper focuses on the experiences of DFID support to a radio programme in northern Nigeria [Hannu Daya] that sought to improve communication and debate between the government and the electorate. It argues that there are legitimate circumstances for development partners to engage with state-controlled media outlets, not least in rural areas where commercial broadcasters lack the financial incentive to establish stations and provide programming that has relevance to the poor. The authors critically examine the lessons learned from DFID’s support and identify measures that could assist similar initiatives in the future." (Abstract)
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"[...] It is clear that the importance of the media in sustenance and development of democracy is well recognised by stakeholders in Africa. This is evidenced by the existence of liberal media laws and regulation in democratic African countries. This then forces the conclusion that there is delibera
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te manipulation or disregard of the media laws so as to fit in with the needs of the few elites. Mostly those in position of power, as the case of Malawi has demonstrated. For instance, there seems to be a general consensus in the reviewed articles that the media in Malawi is largely owned and controlled by a group of elite politicians, through direct ownership and through regulation and censorship. Where they do not have direct access they resort to intimidation or harassment, this can be physical, mental and economical. Again, the literature has substantial evidence of such cases; we have seen how government in Malawi decides media houses that are to be given advertising revenue, a lifeblood of any media organisation; this works like a reward for those who are not, to become 'royal', so as to reap the rewards, as their colleagues." (Summary, page 27-28)
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"This paper has tried to find out whether newspapers in Bangladesh have any influence on policy formulation, revision and improvement in respect to investment climate. Reviewing two Bangla and two English newspapers for three fiscal years, we found that newspapers have strong interest in policy rela
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ted issues. They have covered different important sectors with the policy perspective. But the relationship between newspapers’ role and policy direction is not very strong. Newspapers heavily emphasize informative news items since disseminating information is their primary objective, but policy related advocacy and analyses are still low in the newspapers." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the structure and content of the Arabic blogosphere using link analysis, term frequency analysis, and human coding of individual blogs. We identified a base network of approximately 35,000 active Arabic language blogs (about half as many as we found in a previous study of the Pe
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rsian blogosphere), discovered several thousand Arabic blogs with mixed use of Arabic, English and French, created a network map of the 6,000 most connected blogs, and with a team of Arabic speakers hand coded over 4,000 blogs. The goal for the study was to produce a baseline assessment of the networked public sphere in the Arab Middle East, and its relationship to a range of emergent issues, including politics, media, religion, culture, and international affairs. We found: a Country-Based Network: We found that the Arabic blogosphere is organized primarily around countries [...] Who are Arabic Bloggers? Demographic coding indicates that Arabic bloggers are predominately young and male. The highest proportion of female bloggers is found in the Egyptian youth sub-cluster, while the Maghreb/French Bridge and Syrian clusters have the highest concentration of males. Personal Life and Local Issues are Most Important: Overall, the writing of most bloggers is centered on personal, diary-style observations. Those that write about politics tend to focus on issues within their own country and are more often than not critical of domestic political leaders." (Key findings, page 3-4)
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"kifaya! – „Es reicht!“ Lautstark protestieren Menschen auf Kairos Straßen gegen Präsident Mubarak und seine Regierung. Sie fordern demokratischen Wandel. Arabische Fernsehsender und neue Zeitungen in Ägypten berichten ausführlich über die Kifaya-Bewegung. Sie ist klein, aber nicht zu üb
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ersehen. Dieser öffentliche Protest im Wahljahr 2005 war neu in der arabischen Welt. Eine wesentliche Rolle für den Erfolg der Bewegung spielten ägyptische und andere arabische Medien. Theoretisch fundiert und auf Basis zahlreicher Interviews geht Jan Michael Schäfer am Beispiel Kifayas der Frage nach, welche politische Bedeutung Massenmedien in der arabischen Welt haben können. Können sie zu einer Liberalisierung beitragen? Der Autor zeigt auf, welche Akteure hinter Kifaya stehen und wie die Verbindungen zwischen der Protestbewegung und den Journalisten der neuen privaten Fernseh- und Printmedien ausgestaltet sind." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Since 1985, the Lebanese Hezbollah has developed a centralized communications apparatus which was a major instrument in building its leadership in the Shiite community. My contribution intends to explore the main media of this party as both cognitive and political resources for mobilization and as
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spaces for the involvement of its activists, sympathizers and cadres. In doing so, it revisits the social history of this political formation and examines its modes of organization and related tensions." (Abstract)
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"Electronic Government (e-Government) is becoming a global phenomenon that is increasingly attracting the attention of community citizens including politicians, economists, decision and policy makers amongst others. Once only regarded as a means for modernizing the public sector and increasing gover
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nment productivity and efficiency, e-Government is presently recognized as a driver and a key enabler of citizen-centric, cooperative, and seamless modern governance implying not only a profound transformation in the way government interacts with the governed but also the reinvention of its internal processes and how organizations carry their business both internally as well as externally while interacting with the other segments of the community. Based on the literature, it is frequently claimed that the availability of an effective e-Government assessment framework is a necessary condition for advancing e-Government proper implementation. The objective of this article is to develop an e-Government appraisal framework encompassing several components such as people, technology, processes, and strategic planning. The article examines the relations and interactions of these components in an emerging e-Government environment using a case study on an agency affiliated to the government of Egypt as a primary step in the process of testing the framework presented." (Abstract)
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"It is generally said that an independent press is vital for any democracy. However, the case in many African countries is that the independent or private press is weak and lacks credibility, although its assumed role as a cornerstone of young democracies is repeatedly stressed by commentators and p
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olicy-makers. This research investigates the role of the private press in Ethiopia since 1991, when democracy came to the country. Through interviews with 15 key actors in the media and political sector, it reflects on the role of the private media vis-à-vis Francis Kasoma’s theories of the independent press in Africa. From the Ethiopian perspective, the research takes on a slightly more pessimistic view of the role of the private newspapers in building democracy than what Kasoma concluded in light of his comparative research of media in Sub-Saharan countries in general. Findings indicate that the Ethiopian private press has had a pragmatic relationship with recognized professional and ethical standards; the private press has largely failed to represent and inform the citizens; and it has been generally politicized. However, the existence of the private press has also served as a caution for the government, although the press has had more of a symbolic role than being a real cornerstone of democracy." (Abstract)
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