"Um die Medienlandschaft Bulgariens steht es nicht zum Besten – trotz zweier Jahrzehnte Distanz zum Fall des Kommunismus und eines von zahlreichen Medien vereinbarten Ethik-Kodex, der von Wahrhaftigkeit und Achtung der Menschenwürde, von Zensurfreiheit und redaktioneller Unabhängigkeit spricht.
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Als Handelsgesellschaften registriert, entziehen sich die Medien in der Regel einer Kontrolle ihrer Finanzierungsquellen. Ausländische Investoren fördern zwar die Modernisierung etwa der Printmedien, behindern aber durch ihre Preisgestaltung die Etablierung einer unabhängigen Presse. Beherrscher des Printmedienmarktes sind die WAZ-Gruppe mit Produkten wie Trud, 24 tschassa und 168 tschassa sowie das auf Wirtschaftsthemen spezialisierte Verlagshaus Economedia. Im Rundfunk- und TV-Bereich, der durch das Hörfunk- und Fernsehgesetz reguliert ist, wacht der Rat für elektronische Medien über die Einhaltung von Bestimmungen etwa zu Werbung, Urheberrecht und Jugendschutz. Doch fördern weder die Politik des Rats selbst noch die Besitzverhältnisse der Einzelmedien deren tatsächliche Freiheit und programmatische Souveränität. Als weitgehend unabhängig gilt allenfalls das Internet. Die Zeiten sind nicht günstig für anspruchsvolle Medien und einen selbstbewussten, investigativen Journalismus in Bulgarien. Zu hoffen bleibt nur, dass die zunehmende Verwurzelung des Landes in Europa auf lange Sicht positiv wirkt." (Seite 6)
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"Von einer konsolidierten Medienlandschaft ist Rumänien noch entfernt. Gewiss, die Pressefreiheit hat sich nach 2004 verbessert und die Verfassung spricht von Gewissens-, Meinungs- und Religionsfreiheit, verbietet Zensur und sichert das Recht auf Information. Doch hört „freie Meinungsäußerung
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da auf, wo „die Ehre” anderer und die „nationale Sicherheit” betroffen sind. Die Medienlandschaft des Landes selbst ist vielfältig: Lokal und regional gibt es ein breites Angebot an Tages- und Wochenzeitungen. Im TV-Bereich sind die Privaten im Kommen. Der öffentlich-rechtliche Hörfunk hat zahlreiche Kanäle sowie internationale, lokale und regionale Sender. Noch kaum verbreitet ist das Internet. Bei den Besitzverhältnissen sind Korruption und „oligopolistische” Marktstrukturen kennzeichnend. Die Werbung für Staatsfirmen und die Subventionierung vieler Medien schaffen wirtschaftlich-politischen Druck, setzen journalistischer Unabhängigkeit Grenzen. Soll Medienfreiheit in Rumänien Wurzeln finden, wäre eine Reform der institutionellen Voraussetzungen ebenso vonnöten wie eine Rückbesinnung auf ethische Standards." (Seite 44)
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"This book brings together some of the most outstanding and novel papers on media and development presented at the AMIC Annual Conferences in Bangkok, Thailand in July 2004. It features over a dozen contributions from around the region, providing a wealth of fresh case studies as well as breaking ne
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w ground in highlighting emerging frontiers of media development discourse in Asia, comparing regional development along multiple dimensions and frameworks and pointing the direction towards further media initiatives at a national level. The papers selected are grouped into three key themes: media and development; new narratives and political discourse; and media impacts and capacity building. Part I addresses macro-level impacts and policies pertaining to media and development in Asia. Part II deals with more direct media issues such as new narratives and emerging forms of political discourse and groupings in Asia. Part III shifts the focus to traditional media impacts on youth and tribal audiences, as well as new media impacts on the education and business sectors. The contributors to this book have highlighted not just an interesting range of media and development issues in Asia, but have also introduced a good variety of media research methods. These include quantitative assessments of media impacts in society, comparative and longitudinal frameworks for evaluating regional ICT competitiveness, structural analyses of political and activist communication systems, in-depth case studies of individual organisations, and broad-based surveys of stakeholders in ICT4D." (Publisher description)
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"This study analyses statistical correlations between press freedom and human development, human security, stability, poverty reduction, and good governance, using indicator systems from Freedom House and Reporters without Borders, UNDP's Human Development Index, the Human Poverty Index, the World B
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ank's Governance Indicators and others. According to the abstract "all the findings confirm the importance of press freedom for development. A free press always has a positive influence, whether it be on poverty and its different aspects, on governance or on violence and conflict issues. It serves as an intermediary between individuals and government, informing the latter of people's needs and acting as a buffer against crises and situations of extreme deprivation; it holds governments accountable and makes their actions more transparent; and, along with other indicators of good governance, it creates a business-enabling environment, a climate conducive to more effective public affairs management, and so forth. The results thus suggest that a freer press can contribute to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and, most importantly, to the attainment of an acceptable and viable level of development. By promoting freedom of the press, states and international organisations provide themselves with a powerful development tool. A free press constitutes an instrument of development as such, in the same way as education or investment." (CAMECO Update 1-2009)
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"This highly accessible text compares media institutions and political experiences in countries around the world, including the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia, to enable students to think critically about the central questions in the study of media and politics. The book balances cont
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emporary case studies with explanations of key theories and concepts, and includes a section on political communication research methods, empowering students to fully understand - and conduct their own comparative research into - the impact of media on the political sphere." (Publisher description)
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"Los enfoques de agenda setting, de network society y de public sphere constituyen el marco teórico básico para el abordaje metodológico y posterior desarrollo de “El Observador de Medios de Comunicación en América Latina” que presentamos. El Observador analiza la agenda de los principales
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medios de comunicación masiva, determinando si el tratamiento de unos temas (y la exclusión de otros) favorecen a los principios e ideales del sistema democrático y contribuyen a su desarrollo." (Introducción, página 9-10)
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"This article explored the particular version of ‘national culture’ that emerged in Mali’s post-independent history at the interface of a governmental politics of culture and communication, media technologies, and people’s media engagement. I argued that the dialectical production of ‘the
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past’ as a source of cultural identity and nationalist pride was gradually transformed under the subsequent regimes of postcolonial Mali. Central parameters of claiming and validating one’s past have changed, along with a shift in significance (and employment) of ‘the past’. In previous decades, ‘remembering the past’ formed part of a hegemonic quest for a national heritage and an all-encompassing collective identity that tended to silence internal difference. This representation of national culture contrasts with more recent governmental attempts to create a sense of national unity not by reference to a common past but by acknowledging cultural diversity and celebrating the nation state’s capacity to ease out the tensions arising from internal difference. What conclusions can we draw from the shift from mass-mediated celebrations of oral traditions identified with practices of remembering an ‘authentic’ past to the staging of‘cultural diversity’ on state television? In what sense is this shift indicative of how individuals and groups need to frame and pursue their citizenship entitlements under current political conditions shaped by the effects of multiparty ‘democracy’?" (Conclusion, page 206)
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"The potential of media to encourage democratic development cannot be denied. Media give people a voice, acting as a balance and watchdog to potential government misconduct. Without a voice, citizens cannot be heard; with a voice, they cannot be ignored. Media provide a window into the inner working
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s of the government, thereby increasing transparency and reducing corruption. Not only are countries more democratic with free and independent media, but their governments are also more accountable. Media’s impact is not limited to the political realm. A country’s economy benefits by being more open. By having access to economic information, citizens are better informed about what is happening in their communities and in commercial and financial markets, allowing them to make better informed choices. Overall society benefits, too. In addition to current events, media educate the public on issues related to health, the environment, women, children, and minorities. Independent media give voice to those whose voices often are not heard and engage marginalized groups in a more participatory discussion of programs that impact their lives. Democratic, social, political, and economic development goes hand-in-hand with media development. While short-term projects that utilize media for specific goals—health information campaigns for example—have an impact on their intended sector, a more comprehensive media development strategy holds the potential to create the conditions for sustainable democratic and economic development." (Page 20)
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"Any approach to media development must include systems-wide measures including development of an enabling regulatory framework and increased access to information. Future media development processes must be African-owned and African-led, ultimately empowering Africans at all levels of society. With
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in this, media development strategies must fit the specific contexts of diverse African realities; While new technologies offer new and exciting opportunities, we must focus not on a transition from 'old' media to 'new' media, but on maximizing the potential for expanding networked journalism across the media in all its forms; The media is necessarily political, seeking to foster debate around inherently contentious social, economic, cultural and political issues. Donors and NGOs must recognize the clear-cut distinction between using the media to promote specific development policies and building the media as a component of genuine democratic debate." (Executive summary, page 10)
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This document presents a methodology for evaluating the contribution that communication interventions can make to accountable governance. CommGAP engages in complementary programme areas in an effort to amplify citizen voice; promote free, independent, and plural media systems; and help government i
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nstitutions communicate better with their citizens. The three programme areas are: research and advocacy; capacity building and training; and support for development projects. This document describes the evaluation framework - that is, the outcome and impact indicators, and the methodology behind the assessment - that CommGAP has developed.
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"A pesquisa analisa a relação entre os grupos políticos e emissoras de TV em Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, uma vez que todas as emissoras comerciais abertas estão ligadas a algum grupo político. Com esse intuito, observou-se o resultado das eleições realizadas desde 1987, ano de fundação da p
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rimeira TV na cidade, comparando-os com a relação dos sócios e dirigentes que consta no Ministério das Comunicações. Além de analisar os processos que culminaram na retirada do ar, por 24 horas, da Intertv Cabugi e TV Ponta Negra durante o 2º turno das eleições majoritárias do ano 2006, procurou-se, ainda, entrevistar alguns dos políticos que têm envolvimento com as emissoras da cidade e fez-se um breve resumo do contexto histórico." (Resumo)
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"[...] This authoritative book answers key questions about the connections between media and political change in the Arab world. Using research into, for example, practices of Internet users, journalists, demonstrators and producers of reality TV, it explores the interface between public interaction
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over the airwaves, at the polls and on the streets. A lively group of contributors explores such issues as whether young people are served well by new media, whether blogging is an influential political tool, whether satellite news helps or hinders diasporic communities politically, and much more." (Publisher description)
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"Die Medienentwicklung und die entscheidenden Züge der nationalsozialistischen Medienpolitik werden in den Bereichen Verlagswesen, Presse und Journalismus, Rundfunk sowie Film und Kino dargestellt. Erstmals werden dabei die deutschen Entwicklungen zu jenen im faschistischen Italien und franquistisc
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hen Spanien in Beziehung gesetzt. Darüber hinaus fragt das Buch nach den Erfolgen, Brechungen und Hemmnissen politischer Steuerung des gesamten Mediensystems und nach dem Raum von Öffentlichkeit unter diktatorischen Bedingungen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Der Band präsentiert ca. 500 Farbplakate aus dem befreiten Nicaragua zwischen 1979 und 1990 und der internationalen Solidaritätsbewegung. Sie sind so bunt wie das Spektrum ihrer Gestalter, vielfältig in ihren Stilen, eindeutig in ihren politischen und sozialen Botschaften. Die Sammlung wird erg
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nzt durch Texte prominenter AutorInnen aus Nicaragua und anderen Ländern, die durch das revolutionäre Projekt verbunden waren. Darunter sind Ernesto Cardenal, Sergio Ramirez, Dora Maria Tellez, Orlando Nuñez. Sie werfen einen Blick auf den emanzipatorischen Prozess und fragen, was es kritisch aufzuarbeiten gilt und was in neuen Formen weiterentwickelt werden kann. Der Band ist somit ein eindrucksvolles Dokument eines großen Emanzipationsversuchs. Die Hoffnung auf Befreiung war in Nicaragua Triebkraft weitreichender Veränderungen. Davon zeugen die Bilder und Texte dieses Buches." (Klappentext)
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