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Solutions Journalism: An introduction to solutions-focused development reporting

European Journalism Centre; Solutions Journalism Network (2024), 28 pp.

"This guide aims to propose a few guidelines for those interested in embracing a solutions journalism angle to development reporting. Development refers to processes undertaken by individuals, organisations or states with the clear objective of reaching “a positive change” for the benefit of the ... more

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Global Project Oasis: A study of the impact, innovation, threats, and sustainability of digital native media in more than 65 countries

Janine Warner, A. Martin del Campo, Natalie Vanhoozer, Naimid Cirelli, David LaFontaine, James Breiner

SembraMedia; Global Forum for Media Development (GFMD); European Journalism Centre; International Media Support (IMS); AJOR (2024), 98 pp.

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The State of Data Journalism 2022

DataJournalism.com; European Journalism Centre (2023), 35 pp.

"At its core, data journalism blends together different data sources, analysis tools, and visualizations to create powerful stories. However, with this also comes the challenge of upskilling in non-journalistic domains such as statistics, data visualization, and programming. Data journalists face th ... more

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Solutions Journalism: 11 tough questions on how to do solutions journalism

European Journalism Centre (2023), 30 pp.

"People are well aware that there are many problems in the world. And while knowing that is important, solutions journalism aims to offer a more balanced and hopeful outlook on the world. By focusing on responses to problems, solutions journalism encourages individuals to actively engage with soluti ... more

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Solutions Journalism: An introduction for journalists and newsrooms

European Journalism Centre (2023), 14 pp.

"News-avoiders are more interested in positive or solutions-based journalism and less interested in the big stories of the day. So there’s an important role to play for the media to counter intentional news avoidance. Editorial teams are able to change news content to make it less negative and mor ... more

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Project OASIS: A Research Project on the Trends, Impact and Sustainability of Independent Digital Native Media in More Than 40 Countries in Europe

SembraMedia; European Journalism Centre; International Media Support (IMS); Global Forum for Media Development (GFMD); Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC); Google News Initiative (GNI) (2023), 56 pp.

"Despite the political, economic and linguistic differences that characterise the 40+ countries where we conducted this research, the 540 digital native media organisations featured in our Project Oasis directory face many common challenges and opportunities. Among our key findings: They use social ... more

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A Handbook for Pitching Development Stories

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2022), 10 pp.

"Development stories may explore national or international efforts to reduce poverty and inequality or improve health and education with a focus on their long-term impact or sustainability. Good development journalism should consider the perspective of those most affected and reflect their lived exp ... more

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A Freelancer’s Guide to Reporting on Poverty

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 4 pp.

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A Freelancer’s Guide to Solutions Journalism

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 3 pp.

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How freelance journalists can battle mis- and disinformation in news

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 4 pp.

"As a freelance journalist, you will often work independently or outside of a newsroom. Sharpening your fact-checking and verification skills is vital to protect both you and your stories from mis- and disinformation. Knowing the networks and resources you can turn to for help means you’re not alo ... more

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A Freelancer’s Guide to Reporting on the Sustainable Development Goals

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 4 pp.

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A Freelancer’s Guide on Gender and Identity

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 3 pp.

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A Freelancers’ Guide for Reporting on Vaccines

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 4 pp.

"How we report on vaccines and vaccination programmes can affect public perceptions of vaccines and vaccine acceptance. In this field, our choice of words, narrative decisions, presentation of data and selection of sources are all crucial - not just journalistically, but from a public health perspec ... more

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A Freelancer’s Guide to Reporting on Climate Change

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 3 pp.

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A Freelancer’s Guide to Reporting on Refugees and Migration

Freelance Journalism Assembly; European Journalism Centre (2021), 4 pp.

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Media Landscape: Syria

Lorenzo Trombetta, Caterina Pinto

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"Apart from the geographical differences, another distinction has to be made between established media (pro-government) and emerging media (post 2011). The development of the media field is the product of the authoritarian pre 2011 context and the ongoing conflict, which has resulted so far in the d ... eath of hundreds of thousands of people and the displacement of an estimated 11 million Syrians. The popular uprising that broke up in March 2011, cracked down by the government and the subsequent escalation of violence by all the actors involved in the conflict, has led to a gradual descent into regional war, which has transformed the country - according to the New York-based organisation Reporters Without Borders - into one of the world’s most dangerous country for journalists, with extremely high risk of arrest, abduction or death. In fact, as the figures released by the Syrian Network for Human Rights state, 707 citizen journalists were killed in the country from March 2011 until April 2020 and 422 are still detained, mostly by the Syrian government. Nevertheless, there has been a true explosion of “independent media” after 2011, many of which, after reaching the peak in 2013, have since closed. The proliferation of media institutions has been quite chaotic and only recently people working in the field have become more aware of the importance of stronger institutionalisation. Also the Kurdish context has been affected by this break-with-the-past attitude. The repression and oppression by the government went further than in any other region: Kurdish language was banned until 2011 and any cultural expression of Kurdish identity was prohibited. With the autonomy self-proclaimed in 2016, for the first time in recent years a high number of local outlets in Kurdish were launched. The de facto neutrality of Rojava during clashes between the Syrian regime and the opposition forces has created a favourable environment for media institutions, with fewer restrictions than in the rest of Syria. However, local media are highly politicised and, being most of them affiliated with political parties, all too often biased. Political and sectarian fragmentation and polarisation in the different areas of Syria have an immediate effect on the structure of the media landscape, not only at a local, but also national level. Politics through its partisan and armed structures has a direct influence over media production. In government-held areas the Syrian media scene remains largely dominated by pro-government news sources. In this rapidly changing environment, though, the government has not remained behind. It has tried to update its media system, not by establishing new outlets, but by developing those already existing. Moreover, in recent years, especially local media (devoted for example to a specific city or region, or available only on Facebook) have gained relatively more independence. In such areas as Tartus, Latakia, Hama, local media running only on Facebook pages have managed to exert some kind of pressure on both local and central authorities and at this level, journalists have learnt whether and how to cross certain red lines. They have been able to denounce episodes of corruption in a frame of distorted governance dynamics, succeeding in circumventing censorship by not calling into question the status quo and not explicitly taking political stances.In opposition-held areas, the only real independent media are those funded by foreign INGOs, which for structural and economic reasons cannot invest as much and play the same role as the regional and local actors directly or indirectly involved in the conflict do. However, very local and grass-roots independent media initiatives in the years have proved resilient to openly denounce the socio-economic injustices of despotic local, central or foreign authorities. In Kurdish areas, the main division is between the PYD and its supporters on the one hand and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) - the largest party in Iraqi Kurdistan - and its affiliates on the other. A high number of journalists have reported being subjected to pressures on the side of the PYD and its supporters. Thanks to these connections with Kurdish parties, media outlets in Rojava have comparably more funds. It is the only area, for example, where TV stations have been established: Ronahi (linked to PYD) and Zagros TV (affiliated to KDP). It is not by coincidence that Ronahi newspaper has a circulation of 10,000 copies in Rojava, much more than what any independent media can afford." (Overview) more

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Media Landscape: Yemen

Laura Silvia Battaglia, Peter Wagner

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"[...] The media is dominated through the links between the media outlets and the political parties. Most local publishers suspended their print editions, while the English language press has completely disappeared. TV channels are also strictly controlled by parties, each side operates its own prog ... ram. Private satellites are only allowed to operate if they have close relations to the leading groups. The development of journalistic professionalism in Yemen has reached a minimum term. War destroyed any ambition. Journalists who are still working take part in a propaganda game, positioning themselves with or against the loyal government and paying consequently the price. Although detentions, violent actions, and torture were already present since the outbreak of the civil war, lately death sentences were prosecuted against the voices of the opposition. Besides the insecure political environment airstrikes, urban fights, and inhuman conditions endanger journalists while reporting. As the Yemeni press is under threat from all directions and journalists are unable to report or even defend their own colleagues without fear of retaliation. The targeted intimidation and the reportedly dead or missing journalists have also affected foreign journalists. The hostile circumstances have led to the closure of most of the newspapers, television channels, and news websites. The media market didn’t develop as expected after the Revolution in 2011, but rather transitioned to a weak phase, absolutely dominated by the links between the media and the political parties. This is totally clear in the printed media marked, followed by the broadcast TV market and website circulation where, with the presence of international and satellite channels and websites not based in the country, it is possible to have access to different and various views about what is happening inside and outside of Yemen. The control of the militias over journalists is strong and dangerous for them. So, the intervention of the two de facto States in the country (the official government of President Mansour Hadi and the Houthi government under the presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh) is invasive. The Yemeni press is under threat from all directions and journalists are unable to report or even defend their own colleagues without fear of retaliation. Considering also the deaths resulting from bombings by the Saudi-led coalition fighting the Houthis and the targeting of journalists by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, this is the worst time ever in the history of the country in terms of cost of journalists’ lives." (Overview) more

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Media Landscape: Lebanon

Lorenzo Trombetta, Caterina Pinto, Roberto Renino

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"The Lebanese media sector is facing a profound crisis and there are many journalists and media staff, working in the local and pan-Arab media outlets based in Beirut, who have not been paid for long time or have lost their jobs. As-Safir, a historic newspaper, was forced to close, and An-Nahar has ... weakened and had to restructure. Even Al-Arabiya and Al-Jazeera offices in Beirut and in the region have reduced the number of their staff members. The only media outlets that resist are those financed by large investors, linked to political-sectarian actors in the region. In the 1970s, Lebanon offered a unique cultural openness and freedom of expression. Beirut was the region’s media hub and the target of important funding for its publications. Investors included Iraq’s former president Saddam Hussein, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, deposed Tunisian president Ben Ali, as well as Saudi royals. Lebanese newspapers were read throughout the Arab world and used to feature articles and op-eds by personalities from all over the region. Gulf countries, but also Iraq and Libya, used to finance Lebanese newsrooms to carry out and support their political battles. As a result, the injection of foreign funding was abundant and steady. Nowadays, with the global economic crises and the new channels of the Gulf, that money has been inexorably vanishing. From the second half of the 19th century, decades before the creation of independent Lebanon in 1946, Beirut boasted pre-eminence in the surrounding Arab regions for the freedom of expression enjoyed by its several newspapers. These are indeed the oldest and most important in the area. Even today, the smallest country in the Middle East is an exception compared to its Arab neighbours in terms of pluralism of the press and broad range of readers. Despite a history of turmoil, Lebanon’s well-educated and critical population has led to one of the most diverse and sophisticated press and media landscapes in the Arab Levant. With newspapers and media outlets in four different languages (Arabic, French, English and Armenian), Beirut has a vibrant media community with relatively high professional standards and free from State control. The Lebanese press does, however, reflect the limitations of the sectarian system that dominates the country, where a newspaper or a TV station is more often than not identified with one of the main religious and political groups. With the media being entangled to the national politics and international influence peddling, journalists are often required to act like political activists. On the one hand the Lebanese State does not control media outlets, contrary to what happens in many other Arab countries; however, on the other hand, political parties have the power to influence and direct the majority of Lebanese media institutions, which therefore reflect the country’s sectarian politics and all too often serve as the mouthpiece for political propaganda. Since media outlets do not rely on readership, but rather on investors as a source of revenue, there is little – if any – interest in producing quality journalism. Moreover, the deep and long-lasting economic crisis did not spare the media and in particular the newspapers. The media sector started to suffer heavily from 2016, when shortage of funding hit several companies and outlets, with the consequent inability of producing quality content and paying wages. Regardless of the political affiliation, the whole sector has reported negative trends and suffered from financial problems, reducing the number, the quality and the circulation of newspapers. The situation faced by Lebanese media reached a critical dimension, as it was defined “free falling” (The Guardian) and “dying” (Middle East Eye). It is unfortunately a common practice to bribe journalists to publish a certain piece of information, or – on the contrary – to avoid any further analysis on specific matters. With the financial crisis newsrooms have been facing, it is even harder for journalists to resist such offers. Lebanese syndicates have asked the government to support the country’s media. Former minister of information Ramzi Joreige announced in 2016 the creation of a $10m fund to back Lebanese newspapers, but the plan was never voted on in parliament. With the creation of a new cabinet in late January 2020, the newly appointed minister of Information is Manal Abdul Samad, an expert on taxation and fiscal policies, with experience in university teaching. In the first months of her mandate, she showed commitment in proposing reform plans for the information and media sector in Lebanon. Considering the outbreak of Covid-19 pandemics, the minister expressed concern on the accuracy of news broadcasted and the intention of drafting a plan to overview and regulate the spread of fake news regarding the virus. In May 2020, she presented a plan for the complete restructuring of the Ministry of Information and the public media sector, which is still under the government’s consideration." (Overview) more

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Philippines: Media Landscape

Pauline Estella, Martin Löffelholz

Maastricht; Brussels: European Journalism Centre (2019)

"The Philippine media landscape is full of contradictions. On one hand, it joins the global trend of technological disruptions ushering changes in the media economy, profession, and consumption. On the other hand, persistent socio-economic inequalities and the urban/rural gap limit the potential of ... more

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Somalia: Media Landscape

Ismail Einashe, Nicole Stremlau

European Journalism Centre (2018)

"After the state collapse in 1991, Somalia fell into an orgy of violence, terrorism, piracy and a recent devastating drought. The country us politically fragmented. Press circulation is limited because of the conflict and the fact that the country has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. S ... omali only became a written language in 1972, and because of the civil war very few books or newspapers are published in it. Televised news is also not widely available. Though Internet usage has increased in recent years it remains more of an urban phenomenon, and while it is popular with young people and diaspora returnees, it is not widely used by those who are illiterate or lack access to the necessary technology and Internet-services. Somalia’s media landscape is currently characterized by the dominant role played by radio, mainly because of the strength of the oral culture in the country, its high illiteracy rates and because the medium is relatively inexpensive. The TV and print media-sectors are weak and radio is by a long distance the dominant medium. There are at least 56 radio-stations, though there is no national or domestic broadcaster. Though Internet penetration remains paltry, the increase of Somali digital news outlets has massively grown in recent years. This growth has largely been driven outside Somalia’s borders from its large and influential diaspora. Another important factor to consider is how conflict has shaped the media environment and created a fragmented political map. Somalia has suffered from political violence and weak central government. According to Transparency International, Somalia remains for the 10th year in a row the most corrupt country in the world. The media system has often reflected the major political divisions in society. The media reflect the deep schism that clannism has created in the society – which in part has fuelled the conflict in the country, which is a difficult country to govern. The state has always struggled to create a unified nation on a non-clan-defined basis. Clan affiliations become important where media outlets only report on their clan elders or report about attacks on their own clans – giving audiences an eschewed view of the news. Another problem is the perceived, or lack of, clan affiliations – journalists are routinely accused of either siding too much or too little with their own clans. There is also a good deal of rumors and spread of unsubstantiated news stories that find their way onto the news. Journalists are offered money to cover certain stories, and because most lack reliable salaries, some will take advantage of this opportunity. In some other cases the issue is not that journalists take payments, but that they are not able to confirm the news that they hear, due to security concerns or lack of available corroborators, so they may release stories that turn out not to be true. Finally, there is also the problem that some journalists lack adequate training so some of what they broadcast may not have been researched and reported using proper journalistic methods. Freedom House considers Somalia as one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist and a country with no freedom of press. In 2011 Freedom House issued a report entitled Worst of the Worst: The World’s Most Repressive Societies, to complement its annual survey on the state of global political rights and civil liberties. They included nine countries designated as the Worst of the Worst, Somalia being one of them. On the other hand, in the same report Somaliland is considered as partially free." (Overview) more