"[...] This publication provides an overview of the state of digital connectivity in Least Developed Countries (LDCs), drawing on the data from ITU’s flagship publication Facts and Figures 2022. Since the Fourth United Nations Conference on Least Developed Countries in 2011, progress has been made
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in terms of connectivity in the LDCs. The share of the population in LDCs using the Internet increased almost ten-fold to reach 36 per cent. Accessing the Internet has become cheaper and easier and mobile broadband has gone from being non-existent to being ubiquitous. But progress has been from a very low base and so much remains to be done. SDG Target 9.c called for closing the access gap in the LDCs by 2020. Yet, three years past this deadline, almost one fifth of the population cannot even access the Internet. Among those who can access, many do not, because of multiple barriers, ranging from awareness to skills and costs. Over the past decade, the connectivity challenge has become more complex and demanding. Bringing everyone online is no longer enough. Meaningful connectivity – the possibility to enjoy a safe, satisfying, enriching, productive and affordable online experience – is the new imperative. For LDCs, this remains a major challenge. The digital divide between LDCs and the rest of the world shows little sign of narrowing. The risk is all too evident. As the world becomes increasingly adept at leveraging the Internet for value creation, LDCs risk falling further behind." (Foreword)
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"The Tanzania DECA report presents the findings and recommendations of the Tanzania DECA. It outlines the key aspects of Tanzania’s digital ecosystem and provides 13 recommendations for creating a more inclusive, safe, and enabling environment. Guided by USAID/Tanzania priorities: i) foundational
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skills of children below age 15; ii) increasing empowerment, productivity, and engagement of Tanzanians aged 15 to 35; and iii) strengthening capacity of state and non-state actors to benefit future generations, the DECA process included desk research, consultations with USAID/Tanzania technical offices, and 76 key informant interviews with stakeholders from civil society, academia, and the private and public sectors. Key findings include: while the Government of Tanzania prioritized increasing connectivity for all citizens over the last two decades, last-mile connectivity gaps persist; there is a large usage gap in Tanzania that is attributed to factors including lack of device and mobile broadband affordability, low levels of digital literacy, and a dearth of locally relevant content; while there has been greater openness over the past two years, nearly all of the restrictive laws remain in place and prospects for amending or repealing them remain uncertain; the government is committed to developing and promoting digital government services and systems and often relies on software solutions developed in-house; while the government has a National Cyber Security Strategy (NCSS) 2018-2022 that outlines a comprehensive framework for detecting, preventing, and combating cyber threats, the strategy is not shared widely or publicly; mobile financial services are at the forefront of digital financial services uptake; Tanzania’s startup ecosystem is growing, with startups in a variety of sectors, although it is in its infancy and not yet enabled by explicit policies or regulations; E-commerce is in early stage development in both supply and demand. Weak enabling factors such as logistics infrastructure, addressing systems, and consumer protections regulations prevent the sector from realizing its full potential." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"The Honduras Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment (DECA) report presents the findings and recommendations of the Honduras DECA. It outlines the key aspects of Honduras' digital ecosystem and provides 9 recommendations for creating a more inclusive, safe, and enabling environment. Guided by USAID/Ho
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nduras priorities, which include i) facilitating a systems change approach - social, economic, justice and security, environmental, education; ii) partnering and co-creating with the private sector to capitalize on shared values, forster innovation, and facilitating joint investment where interests align; and iii) generating opportunities for citizens - especially youth - to actively engage and invest in their future in Honduras, the DECA process included desk research, consultations with USAID/Honduras technical offices, and 76 key informant interviews with stakeholders from civil society, academia, and the private and public sectors. Key findings include: digital transformation is a priority of President Xiomara Castro’s new administration; an outdated telecommunications legal and regulatory environment is hindering connectivity expansion, affordability, and accessibility; efforts to digitize education are succeeding, but digital literacy lags and requires a concerted strategy; there are not effective data protection and cybersecurity regulations; the Government of Honduras lacks the capacity to prosecute digital crimes; there is a focus on countering mis- and disinformation by civil society, but a joint strategy is required for greater impact; the level of financial inclusion continues to be low due to systematic weaknesses, such as poor connectivity infrastructure, and supply-side factors, such as the lack of relevant traditional and digital financial services; e-commerce is slow to take off in Honduras, except in the two largest cities, Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula; the digital talent pool does not currently meet the labor market demand." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Although the figures for access and use of ICT have gradually improved in Colombia, the situation is far from optimal. The same goes for connectivity. The most concerning aspect overall is the difference between urban centers and rural areas. The gap is significant and seems to be far from closing,
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despite the efforts made by the government and other actors to narrow this gap. Geographic, social, and economic barriers continue to be difficult to tackle. In 2021, the percentage of households nationwide that owned some type of television was 89.5%. As for the infrastructure to receive television services, the figures varied depending on the area. For example, cable television was the most used in municipal capitals, while free-to-air television was most used in rural areas. The same year, the percentage of households that owned a desktop computer, laptop, or tablet was 37.9%, and the percentage of people who had a cell phone of any type was 76.3%. As for connectivity, 60.5% of the total national households had fixed internet connection, with a higher proportion in large cities. In rural areas, mobile connection, which 75% of the total population have access to, is more popular. As for fixed Internet operators, the market is dominated by Claro, followed by Tigo and Movistar. Regarding mobile internet suppliers, the market is also dominated by Claro, followed by Movistar and Tigo. Among internet users, the device most used to get online access is the cellphone with 93.9%. WhatsApp is the most popular social media platform with 94% of internet users, followed very closely by Facebook with 91.7% and Instagram with 84.4%, all belonging to the Meta conglomerate. Google leads in the search engine market with more than 97% of all users who performed searches on the internet. Thus, although the internet seems to be a diverse market, the truth is that it is not so. On the other hand, although the country is more connected than ever before and citizens have more options to consume information, the media do not have it easy. Apart from tensions over advertising revenue, which have been exacerbated by the growing power of conglomerates like Meta and Google, they face more competition and, in many ways, more obstacles than before. Successfully overcoming those challenges is key and depends on their ability to stay afloat economically and to earn or regain the public's trust, especially in times when disinformation and fake news are everyday realities." (Conclusions, page 16)
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"Si bien las cifras de acceso y uso de las TIC han mejorado progresivamente, están lejos de ser óptimas. Lo mismo pasa con las relacionadas con la conectividad. De cualquier forma, lo más preocupante en ambos casos es la diferencia que existe entre las cabeceras municipales y los centros poblados
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y las zonas rurales. La brecha es grande y parece estar lejos de cerrarse, a pesar de los esfuerzos que el Gobierno y otros actores han hecho en este sentido. Las barreras geográficas, sociales y económicas siguen siendo difíciles de atajar, por lo que hay pendientes en distintos frentes. La lucha contra la desigualdad y el desarrollo de la infraestructura son sólo algunos de ellos. En 2021 el porcentaje de hogares a nivel nacional que poseía algún tipo de televisor era de 89.5 %. En cuanto a la infraestructura para recibir servicios de televisión, las cifras variaron dependiendo de la zona. Por ejemplo, la televisión por cable fue la más usada en las cabeceras municipales, mientras que la televisión abierta fue la más usada en los centros poblados y zonas rurales. Para ese mismo periodo, el porcentaje de hogares que poseía computador de escritorio, portátil o tableta fue de 37.9 % y el porcentaje de personas que tenía teléfono celular de cualquier tipo era de 76.3 %. En cuanto a la conectividad, el 60.5 % del total nacional de hogares poseía conexión fija a Internet, con mayor proporción en las cabeceras. Sin embargo, esta relación se invirtió en las áreas rurales, donde la conexión móvil, a la que un 75 % de la población total tenía acceso, fue más popular. En cuanto a operadores de Internet fijo, el mercado lo domina Claro, seguido de Tigo y Movistar. Con respecto a operadores de Internet móvil, el mercado también lo domina Claro y le siguen Movistar y Tigo. Ahora bien, dentro del total de personas que utilizaron Internet, el dispositivo através del cual se reportó mayor acceso a este servicio es el teléfono celular con 93.9 %. De los usuarios de Internet entre 16 a 64 años que usan plataformas de redes sociales, el 94 % del universo analizado por el estudio We Are Social utilizó WhatsApp, seguido muy de cerca por Facebook con un 91.7 % e Instagram con un 84.4 %, todas pertenecientes al conglomerado Meta. En cuanto al alcance de la audiencia potencial de los medios sociales digitales conectados, Facebook llevó la delantera, seguido de YouTube e Instagram. Sobre lo relacionado con motores de búsqueda, sin importar la tecnología de hardware que se emplee, Google se ubicó en el primer lugar con una concentración del 97,19 % del total de usuarios que realizó búsquedas en Internet. Como se ve, hay compañías con gran dominio en el mercado y, aunque existe la sensación de variedad, lo cierto es que no es así.
Por otro lado, aunque el país está más conectado que antes y los ciudadanos tienen más opciones que antes para consumir información, los medios no la tienen fácil. Aparte de las tensiones por la pauta publicitaria, que se han visto exacerbadas por el rol de conglomerados como Meta y Google, tienen más competencia y, en muchos sentidos, más obstáculos que antes. Sortear estos retos adecuadamente es clave y está estrechamente ligado con su capacidad de mantenerse a flote económicamente y de ganarse o recuperar la confianza del público, especialmente en momentos donde la desinformación y las noticias falsas son el pan de cada día." (Conclusiones, página 20-21)
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"The United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) place great emphasis on inequalities and pledge to leave no-one behind. For the field of digital development, this objective presents a particular challenge. While digital technologies can be utilized to reduce certain inequalities, they ar
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e also linked to reproductive mechanisms, reinforcing existing inequalities. In the context of an increasing digitalization of development, particular attention must therefore be paid to the link between digital inequalities and the quest to leave noone behind. This article analyses the integration of intersectional inequalities in the SDG framework and the resulting need for coherent policies, and demonstrates the parallels between this challenge and the reproductive nature of digital inequalities. On this basis, we argue that the issue of digital inequalities should be mainstreamed in development programming in order to avoid worsening existing inequalities through digital development. Moreover, we discuss recommendations for a potential post-2030 agenda succeeding the SDGs." (Abstract)
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"The Mali Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment (DECA) report presents the findings and recommendations of the Mali DECA. It outlines the key aspects of Mali’s digital ecosystem and provides 11 recommendations for creating a more inclusive, safe, and enabling environment. Guided by 3 USAID/Mali pri
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orities, which include i) improved governance for stronger democratic institution; ii) solidified and deepened development gains in targeted areas; and iii) improved outcomes across the humanitarian, development, and peace nexus to save lives and increase resiliency, the DECA process included desk research, consultations with USAID/Mali technical offices, and 63 key informant interviews with stakeholders from civil society, academia, and the private and public sectors. Key findings include: Mali has made great strides in building out its Information and Communications Technology (ICT) infrastructure, but political instability and conflict hinder further investment; the Government of Mali’s commitment to digital development is aspirational, but existing services, policies, and governance are at an early stage; Mali does not have a central policy or regulation guiding the digitization of government services and systems; Mali’s civil society and media have enjoyed historical freedom of expression, but new policies threaten the freedom of the press and increase organizations’ needs for cybersecurity awareness and tools; insurgent groups are accelerating their use of social media for propaganda dissemination and Mali’s broader population needs better tools to counter disinformation; Mali does not have a policy framework for guiding the development of the e-commerce sector; Mali’s tech startup scene lacks true innovation or competition and operates informally in an unfavorable environment." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"The mobile industry has been instrumental in extending connectivity to people around the world. In 2021, the number of mobile internet subscribers reached 4.2 billion people globally. Operators’ investments in network infrastructure over the last decade have helped to shrink the coverage gap for
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mobile broadband networks from a third of the global population to just 6%. But although the industry continues to invest in innovative solutions and partnerships to extend connectivity to still underserved and far-flung communities, the adoption of mobile internet services has not kept pace with the expansion of network coverage. This has resulted in a significant usage gap. In 2021, the usage gap stood at 3.2 billion people, or 41% of the global population. The reasons for the usage gap are multifaceted and vary by region, but they generally relate to a lack of affordability, relevance, knowledge and skills, in addition to safety and security concerns. Furthermore, the barriers to mobile internet adoption are particularly acute among certain segments of the population, including women, the elderly, those in rural areas and persons with disabilities – or a combination thereof." (Executive summary)
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"The stories that make up this text offer an approach to the resistances and resiliencies that have arisen in Mexico, covering different manifestations of digital violence in the voices of people representing initiatives and communities that have been victimized through technologies that the state h
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as used to persecute those who defend human rights or seek justice in our country. Through these experiences in common, we hope that more people will have access to the information that we, as members of organized civil society, share with each other to generate impact and accompaniment strategies. We hope that these experiences will inspire other projects that will allow us to confront this violence and transform the structures that govern us. In the following pages, we will share stories of abuse, dispossession and repression, but we will also share testimonies of dignity and resistance. In a country where impunity has been normalized in the face of the sociopolitical violence exercised by the state, it is necessary to name the different forms it takes in order to build and share strategies that allow us to confront it and protect our rights. We still have a long way to go in this search for justice; nevertheless, experience has also given us lessons on the importance of creating communities in order to advance down this road together. To create community, we need to build trust; to create resilience, we need to preserve memory." (Introduction, page 11-12)
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"Digital systems are significantly associated with inequality in the global South. That association has traditionally been understood in terms of the digital divide or related terminologies whose core conceptualization is the exclusion of some groups from the benefits of digital systems. However, wi
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th the growing breadth and depth of digital engagement in the global South, an exclusion worldview is no longer sufficient. What is also needed is an understanding of how inequalities are created for some groups that are included in digital systems. This paper creates such an understanding, drawing from ideas in the development studies literature on chronic poverty to inductively build a model of a new concept: ‘adverse digital incorporation’, meaning inclusion in a digital system that enables a more-advantaged group to extract disproportionate value from the work or resources of another, less advantaged group. This new model will enable those involved with digital development to understand why, how and for whom inequality can emerge from the growing use of digital systems in the global South. It creates a systematic framework incorporating the processes, the drivers, and the causes of adverse digital incorporation that will provide detailed new insights. The paper concludes with implications for both digital development researchers and practitioners that derive from the model and its exposure to the broader components of power that shape the inclusionary connection between digital and inequality." (Abstract)
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"As the world welcomes its 8 billionth inhabitant, an estimated 5.3 billion people – roughly 66 per cent of the global population – are using the Internet. Yet some 2.7 billion people worldwide remain totally offline, with universal connectivity still a distant prospect in least developed countr
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ies and landlocked developing countries, where, on average, only 36 per cent of the population is online. Young people remain the driving force of connectivity globally, with 75 per cent of the 15- to 24-year-old age group now online, compared with 65 per cent for the rest of the world’s population. And while data show slow but steady growth in fixed-broadband subscriptions, mobile continues to dominate as the platform of choice for online access, particularly in low-income countries where wireline connections can be scarce and costly, notably for those living outside of major urban centres. In poorly connected countries, two of the biggest barriers to digital uptake remain cost and digital skills. While affordability of entry-level fixed- and mobile-broadband services improved in 2022, the global gap remains far too wide. For an average consumer in a typical low-income economy, the cheapest mobile broadband basket still costs more than 9 per cent of his or her income – over six times the global average. Fixed-broadband service costs over 30 per cent, compared with less than 2 per cent in the world’s high-income countries." (Foreword)
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"The Covid-19 pandemic has led to the rise of digitally enabled remote work with consequences for the global division of labour. Remote work could connect labour markets, but it might also increase spatial polarisation. However, our understanding of the geographies of remote work is limited. Specifi
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cally, in how far could remote work connect employers and workers in different countries? Does it bring jobs to rural areas because of lower living costs, or does it concentrate in large cities? And how do skill requirements affect competition for employment and wages? We use data from a fully remote labour market—an online labour platform—to show that remote platform work is polarised along three dimensions. First, countries are globally divided: North American, European, and South Asian remote platform workers attract most jobs, while many Global South countries participate only marginally. Secondly, remote jobs are pulled to large cities; rural areas fall behind. Thirdly, remote work is polarised along the skill axis: workers with in-demand skills attract profitable jobs, while others face intense competition and obtain low wages. The findings suggest that agglomerative forces linked to the unequal spatial distribution of skills, human capital, and opportunities shape the global geography of remote work. These forces pull remote work to places with institutions that foster specialisation and complex economic activities, i. e. metropolitan areas focused on information and communication technologies. Locations without access to these enabling institutions—in many cases, rural areas—fall behind. To make remote work an effective tool for economic and rural development, it would need to be complemented by local skill-building, infrastructure investment, and labour market programmes." (Abstract)
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"This white paper seeks to provide an overview of the core thematic issues around digital rights and digital safety across the world. The content builds off a global mapping exercise of organisations and knowledge, predominantly focused on Africa and the Middle East, Latin America, Asia-Pacific, Eas
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tern Europe and Central Asia. This document is intended to serve as a primer for practitioners and newcomers into the field of digital rights to gain a broad understanding of key issues within this ecosystem." (Introduction, page 5)
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"This study analyses the impacts of COVID-19 and its associated public policy responses on digital and intersectional inequality in South Africa from a demand-side perspective. The overarching research question it seeks to address is: To what extent were people in South Africa able to mitigate the n
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egative (health and economic) effects of the pandemic and lockdowns through digital substitution? It draws on the results of a national phone questionnaire of 1 400 randomly selected respondents and the findings from six focus groups of men and women from urban and rural areas to examine the levels of digital substitution in relation to work, schooling and economic activity (such as banking, e-commerce and online business). It also investigates how digital substitution enabled access to social protection and COVID-19 relief. Finally, it discusses how public and infrastructure policies could be optimised for post-pandemic recovery and future policies." (Executive summary)
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"The potential benefits of increased digitalisation to refugees, living in situations where access to information and spaces for communication exchange are of the essence, are yet to be realised. Uganda’s forced migrants, both those in refugee settlements and those self-settled in urban areas, hav
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e demonstrated their eagerness to get and stay connected to the internet through social media platforms, regardless of the challenging context. The internet connectivity available to them ranges from cellular networking, wireless local area networking to personal area networking technologies. As communications systems and networks continue to grow and new social media applications are developed, the lives of refugees and humanitarians operating in settings of asylum are in reasingly likely to be affected in dynamic ways. As Maitland (2020) reminds us, connectivity (and its risks) can help overcome or ameliorate some of the sources of vulnerability. The road ahead is paved with complexities associated with refugee protection and inclusion in humanitarian programming in a ubiquitous digital environment, further accelerated by the exigencies of social distancing due to Covid-19." (Conclusion, page 35)
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"O capítulo 1, “Reconhecimento e representação: sobre vozes, epistemicídio e resistências”, investiga e discute as formas, contextos e a constituição sóciohistórica, econômica e cultural da sociedade brasileira contemporânea e de seus grupos estigmatizados e precarizados, enfatizando
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o papel da posse, acesso, uso e apropriações diferenciadas das TIC. Na mesma direção, o capítulo 3, “A nova geração de telefonia móvel 5G já nasce com data de validade”, antecipase e se concentra na crítica dos modos como a inovação tecnológica digital, como conduzida no Brasil, vêm carrear novas formas de exclusão, opressão e sofrimento social. A partir da perspectiva original de Rheingold (1994) sobre as comunidades virtuais, em certa medida ingênua, pois que baseada em partilhas cordiais entre os indivíduos, outros pensadores vêm agregando elementos adicionais, mais críticos e problematizadores, capazes de contemplar conflitos e desigualdades de poder na luta e na militância política no ciberespaço e na cibercultura. Para contribuir com essa discussão, o capítulo 2, “Dimensões interseccionais da vulnerabilidade digital no Brasil”, introduz e expande a compreensão do fenômeno e dos conceitos associados às vulnerabilidades digitais, apontando para a necessidade da construção crítica de uma educação midiática focada na superação das condições da exclusão digital e na construção de cidadãos autônomos – e na (re)construção de suas vozes sociais, sua expressão e suas justas reivindicações materiais e simbólicas, na participação democrática. O tema é retomado de forma aprofundada no capítulo 4, “Educação midiática para a vida online: descolonização, diferença e alteridade”, que sinaliza a necessidade e a urgência de políticas, ações, iniciativas e medidas da educação popular no âmbito do aprendizado das, pelas e para as mídias digitais." (Apresentação, página 7-8)
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"Entre os achados do trabalho quantiqualitativo que partiu de um universo de 229 participantes: lideranças e militantes da cidade, do campo, das florestas e das águas das diferentes regiões brasileiras. Destaca-se que 47% do público entrevistado tem dificuldade no uso da internet; pessoas negras
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e pardas usam mais celulares; 59,1% das associações contatadas não têm área de informática. As constantes mudanças no mundo digital têm consequências direta nas práticas cotidianas de uso social e apropriação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação (TIC). Essas mudanças alteram drasticamente as formas de representação de interesses, seja na área econômica, política, social, cultural, religiosa, sindical/ associativa e tecnológica, além de Influenciar o processo de construção das agendas, a tomada de decisão política, a formação de lideranças e também as políticas públicas. Por exemplo: cerca de 83% da população do Brasil tem acesso à internet no Brasil, no entanto, desse total, 58% das pessoas têm acesso apenas pelo celular. As desigualdades ficam ainda mais em evidência quando analisamos a situação de negros, periféricos, quilombolas, LGBTQIA+, mulheres e idosos. Por isso, a pesquisa é uma ferramenta para elaborar políticas públicas mais inclusivas." (https://institutolula.org/instituto-lanca-livro-sobre-transformacao-digital-nesta-terca)
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"David Nemer draws on extensive ethnographic fieldwork to provide a rich account of how favela residents engage with technology in community technology centers and in their everyday lives. Their stories reveal the structural violence of the information age. But they also show how those oppressed by
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technology don't just reject it, but consciously resist and appropriate it, and how their experiences with digital technologies enable them to navigate both digital and nondigital sources of oppression—and even, at times, to flourish. Nemer uses a decolonial and intersectional framework called Mundane Technology as an analytical tool to understand how digital technologies can simultaneously be sites of oppression and tools in the fight for freedom. Building on the work of the Brazilian educator and philosopher Paulo Freire, he shows how the favela residents appropriate everyday technologies—technological artifacts (cell phones, Facebook), operations (repair), and spaces (Telecenters and Lan Houses)—and use them to alleviate the oppression in their everyday lives. He also addresses the relationship of misinformation to radicalization and the rise of the new far right. Contrary to the simplistic techno-optimistic belief that technology will save the poor, even with access to technology these marginalized people face numerous sources of oppression, including technological biases, racism, classism, sexism, and censorship. Yet the spirit, love, community, resilience, and resistance of favela residents make possible their pursuit of freedom." (Publisher description)
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"Nepal’s digital ecosystem does not yet meet the needs of all Nepalis and runs the risk of falling further behind. Over the past decade, mobile phones, and mobile internet have become increasingly widespread in Nepal; however, the government’s capacity to implement digital policies and solutions
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has not kept pace with Nepalis’ embrace of the internet. In the coming years, equitable access for all Nepalis, establishment of internet connectivity in remote areas, and safe internet use practices for the digitalization of Nepal’s economy are just some of the key challenges that the country will face." (Executive summary)
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