"This study was conducted to assess the risks journalists face while reporting in Somalia. It was guided by three specific objectives that included: evaluating the cases of physical attacks on journalists reporting in Somalia, analyzing the cases of arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of journalists
...
recorded in Somalia and investigating the cases of journalists being killed in Somalia in three years between 2019 and 2021. The study was qualitative and used secondary data to explore the objectives. It analyzed data from five reports which had information collected between 2019- 2021 that included: The Somali Mechanism for Safety of Journalists (SMSJ) report 2021, The UNESCO observatory report on journalists killed 2021, The National Union of Somalia Journalists (NUSOJ) report of 2021, The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) report of 2020/2021, and The Amnesty International Research report of 2020. Data was classified into three thematic areas according to the study objectives. The data was then uploaded into the coding sheet and analyzed. The study found out that, Media freedoms in Somalia is being suppressed by the Federal state and non-state actors. Evidence from the reports showed that, between 2019 and 2021, eight journalists have been killed, 66 journalists have been arbitrary arrested and 81 journalists have been physically attacked and assaulted. Additionally, The Somali federal and state governments targeted and raided media outlets considered disloyal to the regime and approximately 14 media outlets were struck by government officials and armed soldiers. The study recommends that, according to UN plan of Action on the safety of Journalists and the issue of impunity (2012), the Somali government needs to demonstrate its assurance to the protection and safety of journalists and media freedom by taking significant action to tackle the extensive impunity for crimes against the media, otherwise, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights ACHPR having signed a memorandum of understanding with UNESCO to safeguard journalists should step in and manage the risks that journalists working in Somalia face daily." (Abstract)
more
"Made in Hollywood, Censored by Beijing describes the ways in which the Chinese government and its ruling Chinese Communist Party successfully influence Hollywood films, warns how this type of influence has increasingly become normalized in Hollywood, and explains the implications of this influence
...
on freedom of expression and on the types of stories that global audiences are exposed to on the big screen. Hollywood is one of the world’s most significant storytelling centers, a cinematic powerhouse whose movies are watched by millions across the globe. And yet the choices it makes, about which stories to tell and how to tell them, are increasingly influenced by an autocratic government with the world’s most comprehensive system of state-imposed censorship. The free expression implications of this fact are significant, and far-reaching. By influencing which stories Hollywood tells, the Chinese government can soften the edges or erase depictions of its human rights abuses; it can dampen movies’ call for change or encouragement of resistance in the face of oppression; and it can discourage or silence filmmakers interested in making movies that question or critique the Chinese government. Hollywood’s choices have global implications. If prominent Hollywood studios or filmmakers fear to push back against such influence, there is less chance that others around the world will dare to do so. It also reduces the opportunities for independent or exiled Chinese filmmakers looking for a new home for their talents, and undercuts any argument from Chinese filmmakers that the country’s censorship system is inconsistent with international norms of artistic freedom. There are countless stories to be told about China, and those that are non-controversial from Beijing’s perspective are no less valid. But there are also stories to be told about the ongoing crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, the ongoing struggle of Tibetans to maintain their language and culture in the face of both societal changes and government policy, the prodemocracy movement in Hong Kong, and honest, everyday stories about how government policies intersect with people’s lives in the world’s most populous nation. Yet the space for filmmakers to tell such stories is shrinking—at least, unless they are willing to forego access to the world’s largest box office." (Executive summary)
more
"The study is comprised of three main parts: a desk study of available and accessible material – reports, documents and media material; a qualitative study comprising over 200 interviews with ordinary people, experts, and persons with direct experience with radicalization leading to violent extrem
...
ism (RVE); and a quantitative component consisting of national surveys of people’s information consumption habits. For the desk study, the effort was made to gain as broad a picture as possible, that is, to cover all five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. However, predictably and unfortunately, Uzbekistan and especially Turkmenistan proved difficult cases to study in full. For both the qualitative and quantitative field research activities, for several reasons, only the first three countries were included. As a result, this study is able to report most robustly on these three countries and propose observations regarding Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan only to a limited extent. Based on the desk study, the drivers of extremist sympathies as established in existing research have been political grievances (injustice from state structures; identity-based discrimination; oppressive political regimes, etc), economic difficulties (unemployment; indebtedness; poverty; and desire for quick and greater income) and ideological motivations (resentment of false values; striving for the singularly just and true life; for reward in a perceived afterlife). To these push and pull factors are added a range of enabling factors, such as migration, young age, gender (women), and means of communication. All these drivers of RVE need to be treated with caution, as stressed by various authors and suggested by evidence gained in field research. A general observation, gained from the desk research and supported by evidence in both qualitative and quantitative field studies, was the difference among the countries in degree of control over the information space, or the degree of hegemony over public discourse. Of the three most fully studied countries, hegemonic discourse was the strongest in Tajikistan, followed by Kazakhstan, and the least in Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan, analyzed to a limited extent, would be closer to the extreme of Tajikistan, whereas Turkmenistan was too closed to make reasonably robust observations." (Page 3)
more
"El documento identifica las diferentes maneras a través de las cuales los actores del campo periodístico—ya sean periodistas, editores o propietarios de medios de comunicación—se han comprometido en la promoción, implementación y monitoreo de la legislación de acceso a la información pú
...
blica. La metodología de la investigación ha sido cualitativa; el relevamiento bibliográfico se complementó con opiniones de actores clave consultados para el estudio. Esta investigación permitió constatar que acceso a la información y prensa se relacionan, realimentan y confluyen de diversas maneras. Esas distintas formas de relacionarse han podido verificarse como fuertes o muy fuertes al comienzo (al definir la agenda, por ejemplo) pero esa relación es más débil en la fase de monitoreo de la legislación." (Resumen ejecutivo)
more
"The media have shaped and will continue to play a central role in shaping Kenya’s democracy. The recent record of the media, according to many within it, is that media has undermined as well as invigorated that democracy. An understanding of democracy and democratic governance in Kenya is not pos
...
sible without a strong understanding of the media’s role in the country. We would urge development actors to be better engaged and more supportive of media in the future. The problem facing Kenya’s media is not an excess of media freedom. It is a lack of it. Media freedom cannot, however, be described simply in terms of ndependence from government. Journalists and broadcasters face immense commercial and political constraints which are constraining their journalistic independence and integrity. Some local language radio stations have incited fear and hatred particularly at the height of the violence. Local language radio stations are routinely partisan and fl out codes of ethics. Talk shows have provided the greatest opportunities for hate speech and talk show hosts are not trained in confl ict reporting or moderation. Nearly all we spoke to on the subject felt this was a priority. More recently, most local language stations (and much of the rest of the media) appear to have been playing an important role in calming tension and promoting dialogue. A strengthening of such a role by a genuinely independent media will form a critical contribution as Kenya navigates the turbulent waters ahead of it." (Summary of policy conclusions)
more
"This report shares the findings of five studies of media coverage of HIV/AIDS, carried out in Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe by the Panos London AIDS Programme, with the support of Johns Hopkins University. The studies aimed to explore some of the issues and tensions involved
...
in the relationship between the media and HIV/AIDS. In particular, they aimed to identify how the media could better fulfill its potential role in responding to the epidemic, for example by 'moving beyond awareness raising' and acting as a channel to encourage individual and social change, providing a forum for debate and holding decision-makers to account. According to the writers, the studies focused on radio and print media. They used desk research, individual interviews and group discussions, involving editors, broadcasters, journalists, academics and health workers, as well as representatives of HIV/AIDS agencies, non-governmental organisations, faith-based groups and the general public. They were carried out by local consultants over two months during 2004, with supplementary desk research and interviews in 2005. Sections 1 & 2 of this report provide an analysis of the context, themes and recommendations that emerged from across the different studies. Sections 3-7 summarise the audit for each country, including: a summary of the national political and HIV/AIDS context; information about policy and ownership issues in relation to radio and print; an analysis of the relationship between the media and HIV/AIDS; and conclusions and recommendations." (www.comminit.com, January 30, 2006)
more
"Since it was launched in 2000, the Bolivia Country Programme known as TICBolivia has helped over 50,000 people, mainly small farmers, teachers, students, indigenous leaders and local officials, use ICTs to improve their lives and contribute to their country’s development. All the ICT activities g
...
enerated under the Country Programme have been developed by and for local people, with support and guidance from IICD and its enabling partners. The strategy has been to give local organisations the tools they need to develop the skills, knowledge and communications infrastructure required to set up a critical mass of locally-owned, sustainable ICT projects and activities in a specific sector such as education or good governance. Today, TICBolivia consists of fifteen projects, a training programme, networking activities, and monitoring and evaluation. The programme is active in three sectors: good governance, education and agricultural livelihoods. Among the participants in the programme are grassroots organisations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), government bodies, and private companies. By the end of 2004, 86 information access points had been set up throughout the country, 4,400 individuals had been trained in the use of ICT, and a national ICT for development (ICT4D) information network called ‘Red TICBolivia’ was sharing knowledge, working on sector strategies, generating national visibility for the programme and raising awareness of the important role that ICTs play in the nation’s development." (Introduction, page 3-4)
more