"Nine of the 36 media companies involved in Morocco’s most influential media are directly linked to the state, the government or the royal family. Four of them – SOREAD, SNRT, EcoMedias and Horizon Press – are among the most important media companies in terms of turnover and show the potential
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influence of politically linked media owners. The royal family itself is a leading media owner. Its holding company, the Société Nationale d’Investissement (SNI), has shares in four media companies, three of which are among the top five media companies (SOREAD, EcoMedias and Radio Méditerranée Internationale). One of the key questions raised by the MOM’s findings is why leading figures from the business and financial world invest in newspapers that make no profit. Some of Morocco’s richest businessmen have stakes in five of the nine French-language publications examined by the MOM: Aujourd’hui Le Maroc, La Vie Eco, Les Inspirations Eco, La Nouvelle Tribune and L’Economiste. Two of these businessmen, Aziz Akhannouch and Moulay Hafid Elalamy, are also government ministers." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Only one out of ten Mongolian media outlets is actively transparent about its ownership. A majority of them has political affiliations through their founders and / or owners. This limits the important role of media to act as an independent watchdog for democracy. These are some of the main findings
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of the Media Ownership Monitor Mongolia, jointly carried out with the Press Institute of Mongolia, from September to December 2016." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"The Tunisian revolution has left a significant mark on the country’s media landscape, which diversified and played an important role in the transition process. Media diversity, however, does not guarantee the independence of information per se, especially if it remains to be dominated by politica
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l or economic interests. The Tunisian Media Ownership Monitor, set up by RSF and Al Khatt from April to June 2016, shows that even if there is no strong media concentration in the hands of a few like in the days of Ben Ali, disturbing trends can nonetheless be observed: 6 out of the 10 TV stations analysed have a history of political affiliation. As the form of media with the highest audience rates in Tunisia, TV stations naturally attract interests from the political sphere; No reliable audience data exists, no matter for which type of media; Financial data difficult to obtain; Lack of transparency about funding means." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"This article explores the events leading to the closure of the Zimbabwe Mirror Newspapers Group (ZMNG) in 2007. It narrates how the state in Zimbabwe, through its intelligence arm, the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), covertly took over the privately owned newspaper stable, publishers of th
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e Daily Mirror and Sunday Mirror, leading to the organization’s demise. The article is informed by critical political economy theory, particularly the Propaganda Model and the concept of Social Control in the newsroom, linking Mirrorgate to the narrative of media control by the state in Zimbabwe. Interviews were conducted with key personnel – former Mirror staff members – to collect data. Archival newspaper reports were also analysed to trace the development of Mirrorgate and its consequences on the Mirror’s performance as a media entity. The article also benefits from experiential data accumulated through observation by the author as a former Mirror employee." (Abstract)
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"Media concentration has been an issue around the world. To some observers the power of large corporations has never been higher. To others, the Internet has brought openness and diversity. What perspective is correct? The answer has significant implications for politics, business, culture, regulati
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on, and innovation. It addresses a highly contentious subject of public debate in many countries around the world. In this discussion, one side fears the emergence of media empires that can sway public opinion and endanger democracy. The other side believes the Internet has opened media to unprecedented diversity and worries about excessive regulation by government. Strong opinions and policy advocates abound on each side, yet a lack of quantitative research across time, media industries, and countries undermines these positions. This book moves beyond the rhetoric of free media and free markets to provide a dispassionate and data-driven analysis of global media ownership trends and their drivers. The book covers thirteen media industries, including television, newspapers, book publishing, film, search engines, ISPs, wireless telecommunication, and others across a 10- to 25-year period in thirty countries. After examining these countries, this book offers comparisons and analysis across industries, regions, companies, and development levels. It calculates overall national concentration trends beyond specific media industries, the market share of individual companies in the overall national media sector, and the size and trends of transnational companies in overall global media." (Publisher description)
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"In Tschechien ist die Qualitätspresse in einer schwierigen Lage. Der Markt ist klein, die Kosten sind hoch und die Erträge bescheiden. Zeitungen und Nachrichtenmagazine werden ihrem Anspruch, seriöse Berichterstattung zu bieten, oft nicht gerecht. Die Verantwortung für die Boulevardisierung war
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lange den ausländischen, überwiegend deutschen Medienhäusern zugeschrieben worden, die in den 1990er Jahren in Tschechien investiert und den Pressemarkt dominiert hatten. Seit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 2008 haben sich diese Investoren zurückgezogen, die neuen Eigentümer sind meist tschechische Großunternehmer. Doch die Qualität der Berichterstattung ist nicht zwangsläufig besser geworden. Die Frage, wie frei die Presse ist, stellt sich vielmehr noch dringlicher. Dies gilt insbesondere für die Erzeugnisse aus dem Hause MAFRA, das dem Agrofert-Konzern des Großunternehmers und Finanzministers Andrej Babiš gehört." (Abstract)
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"The structural problems in the media ownership in Turkey have been embedded in the political system since mid-1980s. With the AKP government’s tenure, the “media pool” of uncritical government support was formed and the major media outlets were pacified by means of financial threats, self-cen
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sorship or increased job insecurity. The most substantive problem involves the economic interests of media owners. Although Article 29 of Law no. 3984 restricts media owners to hold shares, owners who have stakes in other business sectors have been seen to influence cover-ups to favour their outside business interests. A significant number of media owners in Turkey belong to industrial conglomerates with interests that go beyond freedom of press and opinion – in addition to the close relationships between the government and some of these industrial conglomerates. Groups previously uninvolved in media activities have stepped into the sector, a move which has facilitated the development of oligopolistic structures. Indeed, an increasing concentration in media ownership – most notably regarding the activities of the Dogan, Dogus, Zirve, Albayrak, Çukurova, and Ciner Holding – can be easily observed in recent years." (Conclusions)
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"The government has developed various mechanisms for creating financial dependence on the part of the media, at both the national and the regional level. Owing to these financial relations, the media outlets become servile to the government, thereby seriously undermining own professional integrity a
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nd independence. The allocation of government advertising has been conducted on the grounds of political eligibility, in a non-transparent manner, disregarding the specific criteria such as viewership, ratings and influence. The advertising campaigns were awarded to media outlets whose editorial policy was biased towards the government, as well to other broadcasters after changing ownership and consequently also editorial policy. Using the state budget funds, the government fosters the sustainability as well as the rise of many media outlets at the national and regional levels, creating unfair competition and distorting the media market. In this way, a wide network of supportive media outlets is created, through which the media space is captured in order to spread political propaganda." (Conclusions)
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"Media ownership and media financing, although both crucially influence the ability of the media in Kosovo to play democratic role and demonstrate integrity of their journalism and business operations, have not been properly addressed through the media legislation in Kosovo. Lack of transparency mad
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e it possible for various individuals and groups with political or financial power to influence the media in order to promote or protect their own interests. In order to achieve their goals, these groups not only exerted political and/or financial pressure, but also infiltrated in the ownership of some media. Indeed, there are cases where representatives or influential members of the main parties have launched media outlets." (Conclusions)
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"The transparency of media market in Albania continues to be low, including both commercial operations and the state funding, despite of the existing databases. The involvement of new actors, such as advertising agencies, and sister companies of media outlets, makes it even more difficult to track s
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tate funding for the media, given in the form of advertising or funding to organise cultural events or public awareness campaigns. The fact that there is no central body to oversee and monitor the distribution of state advertising does not help. Furthermore, the absence of data from public companies that are not part of the state authorities makes it difficult to have a complete picture of the true extent of public funds allocated to the media." (Conclusions)
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"Adopting a truly global, theoretical and multidisciplinary perspective, Media Pluralism and Diversity intends to advance our understanding of media pluralism across the globe. It compares metrics that have been developed in different parts of the world to assess levels of, or threats to, media plur
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alism." (Publisher description)
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"The Media Ownership Monitor Cambodia revealed high levels of ownership concentration, a low transparency level, and a problematic dependency of media outlets on the government. The research and publication, jointly conducted together with the Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM) from Septe
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mber to December 2015, highlights the related dangers to media freedom, particularly thorugh self-censorship and the absence of critical reporting." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Even though Colombia has more than 200 radio stations, more than 50 television channels and more than 50 newspapers, there is little media pluralism. The Media Ownership Monitor 2015, jointly carried out with the Colombian Association for Journalists (Federación Colombiana de Periodistas, FECOLPER
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) from August to November, reveals some of the reasons: Concentration is especially high for TV and Radio; Media intertwined with business empires and politics; No clear regulation for distribution of public advertising or licensing regime; Media market remains intransparent." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Non-transparent ownership of media, particularly those financed by foreign capital, continues to burden Montenegrin media scene. Foreign media owners, as a rule, continue to support pro-government editorial policies. Their overall operations raise doubts of existence of clientelistic relations with
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the government. Competition among national broadcasters remains unfair considering that affiliates of the media operating in more countries in the region do not invest even minimum resources in production of the content relevant for Montenegrin audience, although they are obliged to do as holders of national licences. Measures taken to prevent illegal media concentration have given limited results, because they failed to ensure that news and campaigns published by the connected media are not controlled and edited from a single centre." (Conclusions)
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"Die wichtigsten Medien in der Ukraine sind die zahlreichen Fernsehsender, deren Interessen- und Besitzverhältnisse jedoch häufig intransparent sind. Zumeist stehen Oligarchen hinter den diversen privaten Fernsehsendern. Seit 2013 haben Journalisten unabhängige Medien gegründet, die im Laufe des
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Euromajdan große Beliebtheit erlangt haben und sich durch Crowdfunding finanzieren. Zudem versuchen sie, dem weit verbreiteten patriotischen Diskurs durch objektive Berichterstattung Gegensteuer zu geben." (Seite 7)
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"This article discusses the role of the former communist party elite (the nomenklatura) in the Bulgarian post-communist media landscape in relation to media ownership and the origin of media outlets’ capital. The spotlight is on Bulgarian journalists’ perceptions examined through semi-structured
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interviews with a cohort of media professionals from the capital city, Sofia. The findings indicate that Bulgarian journalists are strongly interested in, and concerned with, the influence of members of the former nomenklatura and their informal networks on the Bulgarian media landscape and particularly on the way the media in Bulgaria have been owned and financed since 1989." (Abstract)
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"This book is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and practices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profess
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ion. It introduces the concept of media integrity to denote the public-service values of media and journalism. In analyzing the current situation of the media, the focus was on the assessment of factors that have been identified as posing a risk to media integrity, with an overview of past developments if relevant for understanding the current situation. Five countries were covered by the research presented in this book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia." (Introduction)
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"This article investigates the levels of owner influence in 211 different print and broadcast outlets in 32 different European media markets. Drawing on the literature from industrial organization, it sets out reasons why we should expect greater levels of influence where ownership of individual out
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lets is concentrated, where it is concentrated in the hands of individuals or families and where ownership groups own multiple outlets in the same media market. Conversely, we should expect lower levels of influence where ownership is dispersed between transnational companies. The article uses original data on the ownership structures of these outlets and combines it with reliable expert judgements as to the level of owner influence in each of the outlets. These hypotheses are tested and confirmed in a multilevel regression model of owner influence. The findings are relevant for policy on ownership limits in the media and for the debate over transnational versus local control of media." (Abstract)
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