"This report examines all of the shortcomings of this South American giant’s media landscape. It is based on fact-finding visits to Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Brasilia in November 2012. The media topography of the country that is hosting the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics has barely changed
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in the three decades since the end of the 1964-85 military dictatorship. As well as the ten or so major companies that dominate the national media and are mainly based in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil has many regional media that are weakened by their subordination to the centres of power in the country’s individual states. The editorial independence of both print and broadcast media is above all undermined by their heavy financial reliance on advertising by state governments and agencies." (Publisher description)
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"Zusammenfassend zeigt sich bei der Berichterstattung über Gewalttaten eine klare Unausgewogenheit in Bezug auf Opfer und TäterInnen. Es herrscht eine "asimetría de la indignación" (Semana 0.2.02.2008), das heißt eine Asymetrie der Empörung und eine asymetrische Sensibilisierung, die die Opfer
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des Paramilitarismus und des Militärs unsichtbar macht. Somit wird eine Wirklichkeit des Koflikts konstruiert, in der praktisch nur die Opfer der Guerillas - insbesondere Entführungsopfer - existieren. Dies reproduziert die asuymmetrischen sozialen Verhältnisse der Opfer selbst. Denn die Zielscheibe des Paramilitarismus und des Militärs sind meistens Kleinbäuerinnen und Kleinbauern, besitzlose SiedlerInnen des Hinterlands oder VerteterInnen von Basisorganisationen, deren Zugang zu den staatlichen Ressourcen - ganz zu schweigen zu den Massenmedien - viel beschränkter ist, als der von Mittel- und Oberschichtsangehörigen bzw. Mitgliedern des Militärs, die in der untersuchten Periode bevorzugte Entführungsziele der Guerillas waren." (Schlusskommentar, Seite 160)
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"Brasilien hat mehr als einen Berlusconi: Zehn Familien kontrollieren die Medienlandschaft. Politische und wirtschaftliche Interessen sind eng miteinander verzahnt. Alle Versuche, das zu ändern, sind bislang gescheitert." (Einleitung)
"While several codes in these countries [where news media are considered less free] call for media owners to place responsibility for content above their commercial interests, the reality is that when promulgated by governments they can threaten rather than enhance freedom of the press. When volunta
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ry, they are little more than aspirational. Thus, some view the very notion of codes of ethics for media owners as potentially dangerous as well as ineffective. Nonetheless, media funders and implementers are urged to assist groups that seek to hold media owners accountable for the sins of omission and commission that occur in the publications, broadcast networks, and other media they own and control. As the funding of public-interest journalism becomes more challenging, notions of corporate social responsibility and good governance in management of media become more relevant and confidence-building actions that will encourage change across the ownership landscape, old and new, are urgently needed." (Introduction, page 7-8)
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"Angolas Medien werden weitgehend von der Regierung kontrolliert. Mit dubiosen Firmen, die aus dem Nichts entstehen, ermächtigt sich die regierende MPLA kritischer Privatmedien und bringt sie auf Linie. Ausnahme ist allein die Zeitung Folha 8, die ihre Unabhängigkeit wahren konnte." (Seite 22)
"The study samples Al Ahram, Al Wafd, the Freedom and Justice Party paper, Al Masry Al Youm, and Al Shorouk, five major dailies that represent the three categories of ownership prevalent in Egyptian media – government owned, partisan, and independent (or privately owned) papers. Using quantitative
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content analysis methodology with framing theory as a backdrop, this comparative research study aims to identify the dominant frames used across different outlets in the local press landscape to represent different political actors and issues in Egypt’s post-revolutionary political scene. The sampling period is the first nine months of the term of Egypt’s first-ever democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi. The total sample yielded 290 articles. The results show that the five newspapers employed frames that mirrored their respective affiliations and ownership. Government-run Al Ahram and the Freedom and Justice Party paper employed frames that favored the ruling regime, Al Wafd took a decidedly anti-President Morsi tone, and independent papers Al Shorouk and Al Masry Al Youm exhibited more balanced coverage." (Abstract)
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"At an international level, the media development community should advocate for standards governing media cross-ownership limitations, best practices in media licensing, and the licensing of the broadcast spectrum. States should adopt net neutrality and support increased uncensored access to social
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media and Internet news sources. They should scrutinize media ownership sales and declare non-transparent sales of media companies illegitimate and make their ownership visible. Media owners, governments, and media development funders and practitioners must modify the belief that advertising will always automatically support independent media. It won’t. It is not in any advertiser’s business model to underwrite news reporting; first and foremost, it is their fiduciary duty to build their own customer bases. If that means redirecting marketing strategies to more effective platforms, they will. And they have. The media development community should commit to aggressively accelerating the financial management, business, advertising, and digital media skills of media managers, particularly in transitional countries. When entering transitional markets, media outlets should first conduct audience research to establish a baseline for advertising rates. Cronyism and coercion lack force when advertisers, particularly large international advertisers, are given legitimate choices among alternatives. Media developers should support independent community and investigative reporting, especially local radio, through multiple funding sources, including helping to build local revenue bases, even if they exist outside traditional media business models." (Recommendations, page 31)
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"As the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper in Nigeria, the Nigerian Tribune (NT) provides a classic example of how newspapers come to serve a common cause while at the same time projecting the personal ambitions and interests of their founders. This article examines the challenges of private
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newspaper ownership in Nigeria using the NT as a case study. The article is situated within the context of theories on the political economy of media with emphasis on the propaganda model. It argues that in spite of NT’s contribution to the nationalist struggle and the process of nation-building, the newspaper was a potent political weapon in the hands of its owner. The use to which it was put by the successor-owner lends further credence to this claim. The article concludes that among other factors, a combination of dynamism and ideologically driven partisanship is needed to sustain newspapers and improve their effectiveness." (Abstract)
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"The United Nations pointed out in 2010 that more Indians have access to a mobile phone than to a toilet. There are over 800 million mobile connections, although the number of unique users (excluding inactive connections) is estimated at around 600 million. Together with the fact that 60 percent of
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all households have cable and satellite television, providing access to many of the 700-plus television channels licensed to broadcast, it becomes clear that in garrulous India, mass poverty and marginalization do not result in a perfect “digital divide.” This, together with the fact that the public broadcaster’s prime terrestrial channel, DD National, covers about 92 percent of the 1.2 billion-plus population, clearly suggests that the users of digital technologies in India include many of the 300 million still below the official poverty line. In the case of the digital switchover, it is broadly in this area of public interest that most attention needs to be focused, whether it be in the area of greater accountability and autonomy of the state broadcaster, the governance of private media infrastructure, transparency and equity in licensing criteria and in mechanisms of allocating resources, and compliance with global standards of professional journalism. These values will go some way toward giving India a plurality of voices and media outlets that would properly reflect what may be the most diverse social and political landscape on the planet." (Open Society Foundations website)
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"This report finds that while media ownership is sometimes obvious, media owners often use their spouse, parents or trusted friends to register their media outlets, making it difficult to obtain clear data on media ownership. For instance, the researcher notes that the connection of presidential can
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didate Uhuru Kenyatta with MediaMax (owner of Kameme FM, Milele FM, The People and K24 among others) is factually true but legally untrue because the name of Uhuru Kenyatta does not appear in any legal document." (Internews website)
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