"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang
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es from the political to entertainment and various artistic spheres. What role do market forces play in the process of media democratization, and how do state structures regulate, suppress, or use capitalism toward their own gain? What degree of informational pluralism has been achieved in the newly independent republics? What are the prospects for transparency and the participation of civil society in Russian and Eurasian media? To what degree do trends in post-Communist media reflect global trends? Is there a worldwide convergence with regard to both media formats and political messaging? Western observers usually pay their keenest attention to the role of media in Russia and Eurasia during national elections. While this is a valid focus, the present volume [...] aims at understanding the deeper overall ‘media philosophies’ that characterize post-Soviet media systems and environments, and the type of identity formation that they are promoting." (Publisher description)
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"Many factors seem to be coming together in Kenya that can pave the way towards a free, dynamic internet as a space for social and democratic freedoms. On the other hand, the newly re-elected government already exhibited authoritarian tendencies in the last legislative period and indicated – immed
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iately after the (subsequently annulled) elections in August with its crackdown on several NGOs and on several television stations in January 2018 – that these tendencies can be expected to intensify further [...] It therefore remains unclear who will prevail in the medium term. Will the old generation hang on to the resources while the young people occasionally engage in short pinprick campaigns? Or will the internet activists and young politicians succeed in changing the social and political awareness of the younger generation, achieving better political participation opportunities in the long term and thus a chance to gain fairer access to state resources and high-quality government services?" (Conclusions)
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"This article systematically investigates the relationship between internet use and protests in authoritarian states and democracies. It argues that unlike in democracies, internet use has facilitated the occurrence of protests in authoritarian regimes, developing a theoretical rationale for this cl
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aim and substantiating it with robust empirical evidence. The article argues that whereas information could already flow relatively freely in democracies, the use of the internet has increased access to information in authoritarian regimes despite authoritarian attempts to control cyberspace. The article suggests this increased access to information positively affects protesting in authoritarian states via four complementary causal pathways: (1) by reducing the communication costs for oppositional movements; (2) by instigating attitudinal change; (3) decreasing the informational uncertainty for potential protesters; and (4) through the mobilizing effect of the spread of dramatic videos and images. These causal pathways are illustrated using anecdotal evidence from the Tunisian revolution (2010–2011). The general claim that internet use has facilitated the occurrence of protests under authoritarian rule is systematically tested in a global quantitative study using country-year data from 1990 to 2013. Internet use increases the expected number of protests in authoritarian states as hypothesized. This effect remains robust across a number of model specifications." (Abstract)
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"Von algorithmischen Prozessen gesteuerte Intermediäre wie Google oder Facebook haben im Vergleich zu redaktionell gesteuerten Medien wie dem Fernsehen einen großen, aber bislang nicht entscheidenden Einfluss auf die öffentliche Meinungsbildung. Sie bewerten die Relevanz von Inhalten viel stärke
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r als redaktionelle Medien an unmittelbaren Reaktionen des Publikums. Die Nutzung der Intermediäre für öffentliche Meinungsbildung führt zu einem Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit. Zentral ist dabei ein zunehmend personalisiertes und maschinell kuratiertes Medienangebot, bei dem unmittelbare Nutzerreaktionen ein bedeutender Input sind. Eine Reihe psychologischer Faktoren führt aber dazu, dass die ausgewerteten vor allem impulsiven Publikumsreaktionen schlecht geeignet sind, um Relevanz im Sinne klassischer Leitwerte wie Wahrheit, Vielfalt oder gesellschaftliche Integration zu bewerten, die in Deutschland Grundlage der von redaktionellen Medien geschaffenen Öffentlichkeit sind. Im Zentrum der komplexen Wechselwirkungen digitaler Öffentlichkeit stehen algorithmische Prozesse, die Inhalte sortieren und deren Zusammenstellung personalisieren. Deshalb müssen Lösungen zuerst hier ansetzen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The objective of this book is to outline how a radically democratic politics can be reinvigorated in theory and practice through the use of the internet. The author argues that politics in its proper sense can be distinguished from anti-politics by analyzing the configuration of public space, subje
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ctivity, participation, and conflict. Each of these terrains can be configured in a more or less political manner, though the contemporary status quo heavily skews them towards anti-political configuration. Using this understanding of what exactly politics entails, this book considers how the internet can both help and hinder efforts to move each area in a more political direction. By explicitly interpreting contemporary theories of the political in terms of the internet, this analysis avoids the twin traps of both technological determinism and technological cynicism. Raising awareness of what the word 'politics' means, the author develops theoretical work by Arendt, Rancière, Zizek and Mouffe to present a clear and coherent view of how in theory, politics can be digitized and alternatively how the internet can be deployed in the service of trulydemocratic politics." (Back cover)
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"While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media eff
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ects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE." (Abstract)
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"The global expansion of the Internet is frequently associated with increased government transparency, political rights, and democracy. However, this assumption depends on marginalized groups getting access in the first place. Here we document a strong and persistent political bias in the allocation
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of Internet coverage across ethnic groups worldwide. Using estimates of Internet penetration obtained through network measurements, we show that politically excluded groups suffer from significantly lower Internet penetration rates compared with those in power, an effect that cannot be explained by economic or geographic factors. Our findings underline one of the central impediments to “liberation technology,” which is that governments still play a key role in the allocation of the Internet and can, intentionally or not, sabotage its liberating effects." (Abstract)
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"Following the Arab Spring, the use of social media has become instrumental in organising activist movements and spreading political dissent in the Middle East. New online behaviours have transformed traditional communication channels, enabling young people of all backgrounds to feel politically emp
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owered. But now that spring has turned to winter, what are the long-term implications of internet activism in the region? Social Media in the Arab World provides a unique insight into the role of online communications as a force for change in the Gulf States. Featuring examples as diverse as neo-patrimonial politics in Saudi Arabia and the ways an online presence affects the status of women in Kuwait, the chapters examine shifts in the political, social and religious identities of citizens as a result of increased digital activism. With contributions from a variety of inter-disciplinary experts, this wide-ranging study examines the consequences of changing power dynamics brought about by popular social media." (Publisher description)
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"Der Atlas stellt anhand von Texten, Grafiken und Illustrationen die wichtigsten Ereignisse und Protagonisten der sozialen und politischen Umbrüche in der arabischen Welt vor. Er beleuchtet speziell auch die regionalen wie globalen Auswirkungen. Dabei kommen ganz wesentlich Journalisten und Wissens
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chaftler aus den jeweiligen Ländern zu Wort." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book looks into the role played by mediated communication, particularly new and social media, in shaping various forms of struggles around power, identity and religion at a time when the Arab world is going through an unprecedented period of turmoil and upheaval. The book provides unique and m
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ultifocal perspectives on how new forms of communication remain at the centre of historical transformations in the region. The key focus of this book is not to ascertain the extent to which new communication technologies have generated the Arab spring or led to its aftermaths, but instead question how we can better understand many types of articulations between communication technologies, on the one hand, and forms of resistance, collective action, and modes of expression that have contributed to the recent uprisings and continue to shape the social and political upheavals in the region on the other. The book presents original perspectives and rigorous analysis by specialists and academics from around the world that will certainly enrich the debate around major issues raised by recent historical events." (Publisher description)
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"Investigated from a journalistic perspective, this research addresses the role played by traditional national media in consolidating emerging democracies or in exacerbating their fragility within new political contexts. Also analyzed are the ways journalists report about politics and transformation
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s of these media industries, drawing on the international experiences of media in transitional societies. This study builds on a field investigation led by the author and conducted within the project “Arab Revolutions: Media Revolutions,” covering Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt." (Palgrave Macmillan website)
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"This descriptive, empirical study gives context to how print journalists in two politically different African nations, Senegal and Ethiopia, use Twitter and Facebook to report the news and to what extent. We ask, ‘how is this new model of online reporting manifesting itself in Ethiopian and Seneg
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alese newsrooms, given Senegal’s track record of democratic government and free press and Ethiopia’s infamously authoritarian control and censorship of the country’s journalists?’. The method is a content analysis of 60 days of posts on ten print newspapers’ Twitter and Facebook pages, to establish a comparative assessment of the two nations. Findings are also given context by comparing the print newspapers’ popularity on Twitter and Facebook against each nation’s top 20 most popular Twitter and Facebook pages. Results show Ethiopia to be markedly behind in Twitter posts, but the newspapers of each country show similar rates of posting to Facebook. Journalists in both nations are not livetweeting events, but instead are linking content on social media to the newspaper’s main home page." (Abstract)
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"The data in this report was collected between December 20, 2014 and February 2, 2015 and represents the views of 1161 respondents from that time. The goal of the project is to understand how people in Turkey perceive and value the debate over Internet freedoms in Turkey and how they employ the Inte
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rnet and social media as alternative information resources within a heavily censored mass media environment." (Page 2)
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"Die Entfaltung der E-Demokratie legt die Probleme der demokratischen Praxis in Südkorea offen: da sich die Bürger durch die politischen Institutionen nicht repräsentiert fühlen, suchen sie neue Wege, ihre Meinung zu äußern. Dabei sind die Netizens den politischen Akteuren und staatlichen Stel
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len zwar in der Nutzung der neuesten Programme und Medien zu politischen Zwecken einen Schritt voraus, aber sie setzen sich noch nicht positiv oder langfristig mit dem politischen Alltag auseinander." (Seite 156-7)
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"Data for this report were gathered through an electronic survey of 895 Cambodian Internet users conducted from March 12 to 18, 2015, as well as through three follow-up focus group discussions [...] Cambodians find the Internet to be useful for personal, professional and civic interests, with the ma
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jority of respondents agreeing that the Internet makes their job easier (78.8%) and helps in their education and studies (73.7%). 75.3% of Cambodians report the Internet provides them with access to news and information they cannot find elsewhere in Cambodia’s mainstream, offline media. The majority of Cambodian Internet users (62.7%) feel “very” or “somewhat” free to express their opinions online without fear of repercussions." (Executive summary)
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"This article explores whether, and to what extent, local knowledge features in research on the role of ICTs in statebuilding and peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on neighboring Somalia, Kenya, and Ethiopia. We question whether the claims of the transformative power of ICTs are backe
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d by ‘evidence’ and whether local knowledge – e.g., traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution – is taken into consideration by ICT-based development initiatives. To assess this, we systematically reviewed literature in the region, focusing on academic outputs as well as research published by non-governmental and governmental organizations. Several key findings emerged, including: 1) empirical evidence on the successful use of ICTs to promote peacebuilding and statebuilding is thin; 2) few differences exist between scholarship emanating from the Global North and from Africa; and 3) overall, the literature exhibits a simplistic assumption that ICTs will drive democratic development without sufficient consideration of how ICTs are actually used by the public." (Abstract)
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