"In this report, we favour the word “disinformation” over “fake news.” Disinformation, as used in the Report, includes all forms of false, inaccurate, or misleading information designed, presented and promoted to intentionally cause public harm or for profit. Our main message is that the bes
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t responses to disinformation are multi-dimensional, with stakeholders collaborating in a manner that protects and promotes freedom of expression, media freedom, and media pluralism. Another key message is that effective action will require continuous research on the impact of disinformation, increased transparency, and access to relevant data, combined with evaluation of responses on a regular, ongoing basis. This is particularly important as disinformation is a multi-faceted and evolving problem that does not have one single root cause." (Foreword)
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"Part One, 'In Their Own Words: Trolling, Meme Culture, and Journalists’ Reflections on the 2016 US Presidential Election,' provides a historical overview of the relationship between the news media and far-right manipulators during the 2016 US presidential election. Part Two, 'At a Certain Point Y
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ou Have to Realize That You’re Promoting Them’: The Ambivalence of Journalistic Amplification,' identifies the intended and unintended consequences of reporting on bigoted, damaging, or otherwise problematic information and the structural limitations of journalism (economic, labor, and cultural) that exacerbate these tensions. And Part Three, 'The Forest and the Trees: Proposed Editorial Strategies,' recommends practices on establishing newsworthiness; handling objectively false information; covering specific harassment campaigns or manipulators, bigots, and abusers; and reporting on the internet that are particularly critical in an era of disinformation." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"As the largest alliance of U.S.-based nonprofits that work around the world, we believe it is critical to raise awareness about the evolving threat of online disinformation. Whether our members are providing emergency assistance to people fleeing conflicts, promoting democratic governance in places
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with evolving institutions and civil society, or promoting peace as faith-based or faith-founded organizations, we are all united by our shared mission of making the world a more peaceful and prosperous place. Confronting this new challenge is indeed critical to this mission and worthy of our time and resources. We hope this report begins a critical dialogue within our community about the scale of the problem we face concerning online disinformation, and, more importantly, what we can do to protect ourselves against it. As a community, we remain committed to leveraging the knowledge, expertise, and private resources from the NGO community to build stronger defenses against bad actors and abuse of online platforms that provide critical information to members and our beneficiary communities." (Letter from our CEO, page 6)
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"Over the past decade, radicalisation to violent extremism (VE) has become a matter of pressing public and political concern in Central Asia. Between 2000 and 5000 Central Asians responded to calls to join jihad in Syria and Afghanistan, most of them radicalised while foreign workers in the labour c
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amps of Russia’s cities. While rates are low by global standards, the phenomenon has nonetheless spurred the governments of the region to respond. The legal response taken up by Central Asian countries borrows heavily from Russia’s anti-terrorism measures. Laws are unclear and overbroad in their definitions of extremism, leading to legal uncertainty and repressive application. They set out legal penalties for those creating or disseminating VE and mandate restrictions on the dissemination of VE material, including online. A lack of clarity about what is and is not extremism has resulted in uneven and harsh application of these laws, with lengthy prison sentences for those convicted of no more than liking an extremist Facebook post [...] This report is written in three parts: Part A sets out legislative definitions of extremism and extremist content in Central Asian states, and outlines how they have been applied through criminal prosecution. Part B gives the results of analysis of VE content on Central Asian open social media, blogs and online forums from late 2018, detailing the actors, their use of social media, and the narratives they promulgate; and, Part C examines how content blocking, education and engagement have been used to counter VE content online, and assesses their success." (Executive summary)
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"This paper proposes that Asian religions can address the challenges of the post-truth mindset by resorting to powerful images within their traditions to communicate within and across traditions in order to promote religious unity and harmony. It asserts that the images employed by Jesus to refer to
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himself, namely, the Way, the Truth, and the Life are images that hold not only rich spiritual significance for Christians but can also resonate deeply with the Asian religious and spiritual outlook. These images may be explored by religious traditions in their own particular contexts and communicated to adherents (intrareligious communication). These images can also serve as the foundation upon which Asian religions can enter into dialogue with one another to build mutual understanding and collaboration (interreligious communication). The thesis is when Asian religions are able to employ shared images to communicate within and across religious traditions, they are able to reaffirm the important role of religion/spirituality in the present social milieu, at the same time resist the negative impact brought about by trends of thought that seek to degrade and relativize religious and spiritual truths." (Abstract)
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"In recent years there has been increasing attention to the potentially disruptive influence of disinformation on elections. The most common forms of disinformation in elections include the dissemination of ‘fake news’ in order to discredit opponents or to influence the voting process, the falsi
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fication or manipulation of polling data, and the use of fake election monitoring and observation. This article presents an overview of the phenomenon of disinformation in elections in both democratic and undemocratic environments, and discusses measures to reduce its scope and negative impact." (Abstract)
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"The #defyhatenow Social Media Hate Speech Mitigation Field Guide offers tools and strategies to be used in grassroots communities & online campaigns for peacebuilding in South Sudan and around the world. This “Field Guide” contains an overview of relevant grassroots projects, initiatives and st
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rategies and is designed for use in the field with training materials, workshop resources and toolkits for raising awareness, developing counter narratives & mitigating violence related to online hate speech." (Page 2)
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"This research is aimed at assessing national vulnerabilities and preparedness to counteract foreign-led disinformation in 14 countries of Eastern and Central Europe. The Visegrad states (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia), Eastern Partnership countries (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia
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, Moldova, Ukraine), the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) and Romania are covered. An integral part of the research is the Disinformation Resilience Index, which is quantitative assessment of exposure to Kremlin-led disinformation and the level of national resilience to disinformation campaigns." (Page 1)
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"Les nouvelles technologies permettent aux diverses formes de manipulation de l’information de toucher de vastes publics. Chaque citoyen-internaute devient un acteur des manoeuvres de désinformation, en particulier en les relayant sur les réseaux sociaux. Internet constitue ainsi une révolution
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de l’information, mais aussi une révolution de la désinformation. Or la mécanique démocratique est mise en danger par les fausses informations, par les « fake news ». La désinformation 2.0 est à la fois un symptôme de la crise de la démocratie et un appel à reconstruire la démocratie. Dans ce cadre, le droit et la loi doivent sans doute intervenir et poser des garde-fous. Lutter contre la désinformation 2.0, ce n’est pas faire oeuvre liberticide. C’est, au contraire, protéger les libertés civiles les plus fondamentales. Plus on lutte contre la désinformation, plus on protège les libertés d’expression et d’opinion, car celles-ci ont besoin d’être éclairées. Et le vote est une forme d’expression et d’opinion que la « post-vérité » asservit bien plutôt que de la libérer." (Dos de couverture)
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"The Center for Media, Data and Society has curated a series of lectures addressing the challenges and the future of public media titled Public Media Institutions at a Crossroads: Visions, Strategies, Tactics. The speakers and themes have included a multi-dimensional outlook on what PSM institutions
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, and public media more generally, are and can be [...] This white paper is an extended reflection on the theme of the speaker series, focusing on a specific challenge for public service media: “fake news” and disinformation, or more broadly, the current “information disorder”. The paper draws from the outlined problems and threats, as well as opportunities, strategies, and tactics discussed in the above presentations when documenting how PSM institutions around Europe have tackled the challenge. The paper builds on a background report (April 2018) for the ongoing work by the Council of Europe." (Pages 3-5)
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"The guide explores the notion that fake news is not just another type of content that circulates online, but that it is precisely the character of this online circulation and reception that makes something into fake news. In this sense fake news may be considered not just in terms of the form or co
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ntent of the message, but also in terms of the mediating infrastructures, platforms and participatory cultures which facilitate its circulation. In this sense, the significance of fake news cannot be fully understood apart from its circulation online. It is the register of this circulation that also enables us to trace how material that starts its life as niche satire can be repackaged as hyper-partisan clickbait to generate advertising money and then continue life as an illustration of dangerous political misinformation. As a consequence this field guide encourages a shift from focusing on the formal content of fabrications in isolation to understanding the contexts in which they circulate online. This shift points to the limits of a “deficit model” approach – which might imply that fabrications thrive only because of a deficit of factual information. In the guide we suggest new ways of mapping and responding to fake news beyond identifying and fact-checking suspect claims – including “thicker” accounts of circulation as a way to develop a richer understanding of how fake news moves and mobilises people, more nuanced accounts of “fakeness” and responses which are better attuned to the phenomenon." (Page 8)
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"Why has the Taliban been so much more effective in presenting messages that resonate with the Afghan population than the United States, the Afghan Government and their allies? This book, based on years of field research and the assessment of hundreds of original source materials, examines the infor
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mation operations and related narratives of Afghan insurgents, especially the Afghan Taliban, and investigates how the Taliban has won the information war. Taliban messaging, wrapped in the narrative of jihad, is both to the point and in tune with the target audiences it wishes to influence. On the other hand, the United States and its Kabul allies committed a basic messaging blunder, failing to present narratives that spoke to or, often, were even understood by their target audiences. Thomas Johnson systematically explains why the United States lost this "battle of the story" in Afghanistan, and argues that this defeat may have lost the U.S. the entire war, despite its conventional and technological superiority." (Publisher description)
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"This preliminary technical report examines the relationship between media uses of Lebanese youth and their potential attraction to extremism—broadly conceived. The study focuses on school students aged 14 to 18 and their teachers. It is based on 16 focus groups distributed across the country and
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covers a total of 80 students and 80 teachers. To research youth’s media uses and their understanding of media and digital literacy, the study examines their use of various media tools: traditional and digital media, as well as social media, games, and smartphones. The qualitative study reveals various types of extremist inclinations among youth, including religious/sectarian, political, familial/tribal, and racial extremism. Some patterns of extremism may be linked to students’ uses of the Internet and social media, as a catalyst or trigger for action. The widespread use of chatting applications shows a potential risk for connection with extremist groups, while the use of violent video games demonstrates a potential link to students’ violent reactions in their communities, as the examples in the report show. Consistently, participating students are especially drawn to violent, horror and action films. The study also reveals that students are less interested in watching television, which has declined in favor of new media platforms. When it comes to policies regarding media uses that aim to protect students from extremism, few schools have them, yet all except one school teacher expressed concerns about their students receiving media messages that incite violent behavior and lead to recruitment by extremist groups. The teachers expressed fear that their students may be potentially encouraged through new media to engage in risky and violent acts, including extremism, terrorism, early sexual behavior, and drug abuse. Despite this fear, findings show that extremism among the young students was the most limited in schools where clear policies regulate media uses, curricula include some digital and media literacy instruction, and teachers follow up with students when they detect signs of extremist behaviors." (Abstract)
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"Based on a bibliometric and scientific study of research conducted in Europe, North America, Latin America, the Caribbean, the Arab world, parts of Africa and Asia on the links between the use of social media and the phenomena of radicalization, the Report analyzes more than 550 studies published i
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n scientific literature and “grey literature”, covering outputs in English (260), French (196) and Arabic (96). It shows that very little research has focused on the effective role of the use of social media in violent radicalization. Although many articles deal with electronic strategies and the use of the Internet and online social media for recruitment, there are very few empirical studies that describe and examine the real effects of these strategies on youth, and they rarely examine gender aspects. The Report examines the specificities of online prevention initiatives: counter/alternative narratives and media information literacy (MIL). Several formal and informal MIL initiatives have been implemented around the world according to MIL as a pedagogical practice with a specific set of skills that can respond to narratives of anger and revenge." (Executive summary, page 5)
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