"This study presents findings from research on international media development strate-gies and practices in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021. Based on qualitative interviews with 35 Afghan journalists in Afghanistan, the research offers a retroactive assessment of key patterns in International Medi
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a Assistance. The findings indicate that prevailing media assistance strategies, as perceived by interviewees, were largely aimed at changing attitudes and behaviors through media programs. This reflects a media-centric paradigm in which people are viewed as passive recipients of information rather than active agents of change. Interviewees also noted that the international com-munity underestimated the divide between liberal urban communities and conservative rural com-munities. Media programs often targeted liberal, urban youth, further jeopardizing social cohesion in Afghanistan. Future programs should prioritize citizen engagement in public affairs through the media to help counter the widespread perception that decisions are made elsewhere. Participatory approaches should also include conservative communities, as a sole focus on liberal urban elites has been seen as deepening social divisions." (Abstract)
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"The Index on International Media Freedom Support (IMFS) evaluates and ranks states based on their support for media freedom beyond their borders. It does this by analysing the contributions that countries have made to international diplomatic, financial and safety / protection initiatives that prom
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ote media freedom. The IMFS Index includes all states that are members of both the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and the Media Freedom Coalition (MFC) (30 countries). These countries have pledged to promote media freedom internationally, and the IMFS holds them accountable for these commitments. The Index draws on data from the previous calendar year (2024), except for the ODA figures, which are for 2023, due to the time lag in reporting. The IMFS Index is produced by an independent research group and is a joint project between City St George’s, University of London, and the University of East Anglia.
The results of the 2025 IMFS Index highlight several well performing states: Lithuania (1st) is the highest ranked country, largely due to its diplomatic efforts, including its leadership of two multilateral initiatives. Sweden (2nd) spent a far higher proportion of its Official Development Assistance (ODA) on media development in 2023 than any other country (0.91%). It is the only country to get close to the benchmark of 1.0%, as recommended by the Forum on Information & Democracy. France (5th) is the only country to award funding to all four qualifying multilateral pooled funds in 2024. Latvia (9th) is the only country to have both an active emergency visa scheme dedicated to supporting journalists at-risk and to support a national initiative that promotes the protection and safety of media workers in exile.
The IMFS Index also identifies several less encouraging trends and performances: No country performed consistently well across all three areas of diplomacy, funding and safety / protection. Almost two thirds of the 30 countries qualified for the lowest, bronze category, earning only 10 points or less. This includes four members of the G7: the United Kingdom (equal 12th), the United States (equal 12th), Italy (equal 24th) and Japan (28th). The lowest ranked countries were Japan (28th), Slovenia (equal 29th) and South Korea (equal 29th), due to their relative lack of support for diplomacy, funding and safety / protection. However, South Korea and Japan do provide support for the wider enabling environment for media freedom in their ODA spending, which is not measured by this Index.
On average, the 30 states in the IMFS Index allocated just 0.16% of their ODA to media development in 2023. Thirteen countries awarded less than 0.1%, including three – Latvia (9th), Greece (21st), and Slovenia (29th) – which reported giving 0%. Only five countries had an emergency visa scheme for journalists in 2024, and only five hosted an assistance programme for journalists in exile. Twenty-one countries had neither." (Executive summary, pages 3-4)
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"I am proud of the steps that the International Fund took in 2023 to advance its mission. We published our first strategy, expanded the global coalition supporting our work, and increased our total investment in news publishers in our focus countries to over $8 million USD across 31 portfolio organi
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zations. We also created a new multilateral entity that will soon open its headquarters in Paris as an international organization. This was marked by a ceremony at the sixth edition of the Paris Peace Forum at which the Ghanaian, Moldovan, and French governments approved our Statutes and formally appointed our Board. The Republic of Ghana additionally announced that it would provide the International Fund with privileges and immunities and host our Africa regional headquarters in Accra. In 2024, the International Fund will continue to scale up its activities in preparation for the next phase of its development. We plan to deploy more than $20 million USD in direct grant funding, substantially growing our commitments to sustainability and innovation in global media markets. We will also begin analyzing the early learnings from our growing portfolio, assessing the impact of our financing, and iterating our grantmaking approach." (Letter from the CEO, page 3)
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"This article tries to show that media development work could be based less on the idea of cooperation, but rather be perceived as a dominance of foreign funding countries and their politics. Taking this view, the donor organisations’ perceived dominance in controlling the entire process and meeti
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ng their requirements seem to be more important than establishing relationships built on trust with the actors on site, and openness to adjust projects and funds to local needs on a more ad hoc basis. Based on a literature review and two case studies in India and Ghana, Elbers, Knippenberg and Schulpen (2014) explain why the approach to control often wins over the approach of trust; and what this means for development cooperation. According to them, the approach to control is based on the phenomenon of “development managerialism” where “[e]ffectiveness, efficiency and transparency became key principles” (page 1). Here, trust is replaced by indicators that can be controlled and measured to guarantee effectiveness and efficiency and justify funding decisions. At this point, it needs to be mentioned that donors and other funding organizations themselves have to be accountable to their central auditing authorities in their respective home countries. Thus, the focus on controlling the process at the expense of neglecting empowerment and autonomy of the recipients maybe beyond their control or intention." (Page 8)
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"The need for coordination within the media development sector is widely recognised – particularly in the wake of conflict or crisis." (Page 1)
"This guide is meant to serve as a practical resource for funders who want to understand where to start. Informed by feedback from our network, it represents a synthesis of the past seven years of work we’ve done in the impact space, and includes examples of successful media impact evaluation, too
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ls and frameworks for assessment, and the challenges of defining and measuring impact in a rapidly-shifting media landscape. Our years of research have led us to four key insights: 1. There are many different frameworks for measuring media impact for different areas of practice. 2. Funders should be mindful of power dynamics, and thoughtful in determining appropriate impact strategies with their grantees. 3. Digital analytics tools provide a wealth of useful data, but grantees require financial and logistical support in implementing them. 4. There are opportunities for funders to collaborate with each other to share best practices and increase collective impact." (Executive summary)
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"Based on 27 interviews with representatives of both private and official donor agencies, it examines the major obstacles and stumbling blocks that will have to be avoided if global support to the media sector is increased. The institutional impediments to eective aid, the report nds, are frequently
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related to limited human capacity and expertise in media at the donor organizations and a misalignment of support and needs. The cross-donor collaborations currently being considered can help to address these shortcomings, though not without risks." (Key findings)
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"Only three of the ten most popular television channels in Kazakhstan are not government-owned. Former President Nursultan Nazarbayev directly or through his family, also owns television channels. For example, KTK, the second most watched television channel in the country is run by the Foundation of
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the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan-Elbasy. Another popular television channel, NTK, is owned directly by a Nazarbayev family member. Nazarbayev resigned in March 2019, but political analysts say that he did so to be able, before he dies, to supervise a smooth transition to a new regime that will continue his policies, ensuring centralization of political control and preventing criticism of authorities as Nazarbayev did during his 29-year tenure. When it comes to online news, the Government owns three of the 10 most visited websites: Kazinform.kz, Bnews.kz and 24.kz. In fact, none of the most popular news portals in Kazakhstan are independent and truly free of government control. For example, TengriNews.kz, one of the most read news websites is owned by the company Alash Media Group, which is known for promoting a strong pro-government narrative.
The foreign influence in Kazakhstan’s media landscape is limited as foreigners can own only 20% of a media company. That being said, the Russian influence in the Kazakh media is notable. The most popular television channel in the country, Eurasia, jointly owned by the governments of Kazakhstan and Russia, is known for promoting a heavy pro-Russian agenda on world affairs. Another popular television channel, Channel 31 (31 Kanal) is co-owned by Bulat Utemuratov, a wealthy local businessman, and the Russian-funded STS Media Holding. Kenes Rakishev, another entrepreneur, owner of Channel Seven (Sedmoy Kanal), is also a partner in Fastlane Ventures, a prominent Russian venture fund that usually invests in internet companies.
The Government is by far the largest funder in the media, with over €144m spent in cash dished out to media companies in 2017, more than the overall ad spend in Kazakhstan, according to industry estimates. Most of the government funding goes to government-owned media companies or privately held outlets that show support of the Government. For example, in television, the biggest chunk of government cash is spent on financing Khabar and Qazaqstan, two government-owned channels.
In such a centralized media environment in which the Government plays a disproportionately big role, there is hardly any space for independent journalism. Owned by a civil society activist and journalist, Vlast.kz is arguably the sole truly independent news website among the 10 most visited websites in the country. There are other independent news media such as Azattyq, the local service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, but their audience is much smaller." (Page 4)
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"My goal in this chapter is to place media development efforts within a specific frame: namely the actions of great strategic communicators (states, religions, transnational corporations, for example) as they seek to increase support for their general positions in the world. Development efforts can
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be, and often are pursued for altruistic purposes, and they are often couched within an altruistic frame. The altruistic impulse and justification is significant and praiseworthy; but enduring development efforts in the long run are perceived to se rve national economic and political interests as well. Happily, values and interests are often in sync, but not always. No government, even that of the United States or Great Britain, can sustain investment efforts over decades without convincing arguments (and maybe proof) that the expenditures benefit the investor society as well as that of the target recipient. How does one parse this all out? If it is the case that societies act out of values and interests, can one describe a scaffolding of decision-making? Over the years, I have tried to build a frame for thinking about these ques tions through the concept of a market for loyalties, a process of analysis aimed at rendering competing interests more transparent as media systems are contemplated and funded, both within states and transnationally. In general, according to this framing, regardless of the rhetoric in which they are embedded, development efforts have preferred outcomes in terms of the structure of the target society in terms of how inclusive or democratic the society should be, and which entities gain and which lose or have the potential to gain or lose influence." (Pages 20-21)
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"When donors provide assistance to the media sector, they frequently back projects that aim to strengthen the media’s contribution to good governance in some way or another. This kind of funding is consistent with recent declarations made by the international community on the importance of protect
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ing independent media for the sake of democracy and development. Yet, in the bigger picture, donors still only commit a tiny fraction to this sector and appear to be responding slowly, if at all, to the unique challenges of press freedom in the digital age. Media assistance represented on average just 0.3 percent of total official development aid (ODA) between 2010 and 2015. Donor flows to media are small, but are holding steady. China is an increasingly active player in terms of global media aid flows, although its interventions are largely focused on developing infrastructure and take the form of loans rather than development grants." (Key findings)
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"Section 1 summarises the background to and rationale for philanthropic funding of the media, including from a social justice and human rights perspective. This should help Ariadne grantmakers who are not sure if and why they should support media directly to make an informed decision, or to help mak
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e the case to colleagues. Section 2 is framed around the key advice offered by experienced media grantmakers about making grants to or investments in the media. This should help grantmakers entering the field to ask themselves, colleagues and partners the right questions about how they do so. Section 3 looks specifically at five areas of opportunity and threat in the journalism, media and information fields to which philanthropic funding does or might respond. This should help orient grantmakers in respect of plausible potential areas of intervention, and provide them with a range of jumping-off points from which to explore in more depth." (Page 5)
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"Esta reflexão diz respeito à ajuda internacional recebida pelo Brasil e América Latina no campo da Comunicação e do Jornalismo digital nos últimos 30 anos. Trata-se das primeiras impressões sobre o apoio internacional e nacional (do Brasil a outros países) oferecido para desenvolver prátic
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as, pesquisas e estudos voltados para a comunicação digital, redes sociais digitais e internet. Em tempos digitais, esse tipo de apoio cruzou a fronteira dos Estudos de Comunicação, mesclando os campos da Comunicação e das telecomunicações. Entre as instituições que oferecem ajuda internacional ao Brasil e América Latina estão, por exemplo, a União Internacional de Telecomunicações (UIT), Fundação Ford e Open Society." (Resumo)
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"[This publication] seeks to create a deeper understanding of the role of media interventions as strategic drivers of impact on the ongoing Syrian crisis. In exploring the impact of media interventions in this context, we conducted a landscape scan and a review of programs and approaches conducted b
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y FilmAid, the nonprofit organization that collaborated with us on this paper. The landscape scan indicates the prevalence of awareness raising activities, with an emphasis on the goal of sustaining or increasing funding. The landscape of projects on Syria is not particularly diverse. Our analysis indicated first, a need for increased transparency in funding and program evaluation, and second, that there is a gap and opportunity in the field for community-centered and impact-driven communications. We analyzed FilmAid’s programs in Kenya and Jordan to understand how entities in the landscape might fill the market gap on community-led narrative. FilmAid’s work in Kenya is ongoing and the organization’s participatory approach has allowed the organization to build a profile as a trusted organization. By engaging the population in media creation in combination with strong media and audience-focused expertise, FilmAid has been able to increase knowledge on topics such as health, education, gender and cash-transfers. Based on interviewee insights on the use of strategic narrative interventions in conflict and crisis situations, particularly in long-term displacements and effective community- and impactdriven media interventions such as those in Kenya, we drew out guidance on what media interventions can offer to Syrian refugees as the crisis deepens and becomes a protracted complex emergency." (Executive summary)
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"Wealth from Asia isn’t being channeled into media development on anything like the scale seen in the U.S. and Europe: “It’s not just about the money. It’s about priorities.”
"Recent trends in journalism education in Africa indicate a substantial increase both in scope and specialisation. While this increase is usually attributed to higher education institutions’ response to market trends, certain journalism education programmes are born out of development assistance i
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nitiatives that envision nation-building imperatives of democratisation and development. The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) is notable for its involvement in higher education journalism training at a graduate level in select countries in the Global South. This article assesses the presently discontinued involvement of NORAD in the establishment of a graduate journalism programme at Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia between 2004–2007. In doing so, it reviews what has been learned over the lifespan of NORAD's sponsorship of the programme by discussing what worked and what did not work. Findings generated from document analysis, an online survey, and interviews indicate the project fell short of its mission due to its top-down, “magic-bullet” conceptualisation of democratisation that failed to take into account the political and legal-rational conundrums of the Ethiopian state. However, unanticipated yet useful contributions emerged from the project in terms of forging small-scale partnerships that yielded favourable results in the development of journalism education in sub-Saharan Africa." (Abstract)
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