"The first adopters of mobile money were economies in sub-Saharan Africa, and over time adoption rates have increased rapidly particularly in Asia and Latin America. As of 2020, there were 1.2 billion mobile money accounts globally, with US$ 767 billion in transactions during the year. Sub-Saharan A
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frica accounts for 45.2 percent of all registered mobile money accounts, while South Asia and East Asia and the Pacific account for 25.2 percent and 20 percent of registered accounts respectively. A wide range of transactions are executed on mobile money networks, including person-to-person transfers (which account for the largest share), as well as merchant payments, mobile-bank payments, international remittances, bill payments, government transfers and payments, business-to-business payments and airtime purchases. The overall trend shows mobile money continuing to scale rapidly in a number of countries globally, although a number of implementations have been unsuccessful. This report details the key lessons from the mobile money experience in Africa that can contribute to the effective design, regulation and operation of central bank-issued digital currencies (CBDCs), based on the wealth of theoretical and empirical evidence on the social, economic and cultural impact of mobile money. The lessons are categorized into regulatory, technology, economic and socio-cultural." (Executive summary)
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"All respondents in the interviews—including those who shared a negative experience of coordination—agreed that at a minimum, sharing information and exploring synergies should be fixtures of the media development landscape in any given country. The positive impact of such activities on value fo
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r money, aid effectiveness, and public perceptions of development programmes was recognised across the board and particularly in the context of the fundamental principles of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. Clearly, the scale of coordination work will depend largely on the volume of programming on the ground. However, even in those countries that see low levels of activity or have a single dominant programme, there was perceived value in introducing media development as a separate thematic strand in wider coordination efforts. The format and structure inherent in the selected coordination mechanism will also be shaped by the needs and priorities of local actors, but in general, a scheduled exchange of information combined with a platform for knowledge management was welcomed. The recommended level of involvement of donor organisations is a moot point since few if any coordination mechanisms have succeeded in regularly bringing donors and implementing agencies to the table. In 2016, as part of the MedMedia project, EC officials attempted to organise a roundtable for EU donors and development agencies committed to supporting media in the MENA region. Despite the best efforts of those concerned, the event was attended by representatives from just two member states—Austria and Latvia—neither of which was active in this field. Conversely, the donor coordination process that was set up in Ukraine in 2015 includes only limited representation from implementing agencies and exists in parallel to the coordination group assembled by GFMD in the wake of the Russian invasion. While GFMD invites donors to its meetings and shares information via email and online documents, the donors have yet to reciprocate. Thus, in real terms, there is no silver bullet or single best-practice model. However, based on its findings and conclusions, this report recommends that a strong level of interagency engagement should become the default position for all media development projects." (Recommendations, page 34-35)
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"This Policy Brief examines the different ways in which big data collection serves autocratic agendas by hiding the oppressive potential of heightened surveillance through promises of enhanced safety, convenience, and modernisation. Political actors with autocratic agendas can package their governan
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ce agenda via these promises of big data to bolster their legitimacy as leaders and avoid backlash for their invasive policies. The paper explores case studies illustrating that in some cases citizens welcome or do not object to invasive policies when autocrats frame the collection of private information as enhancing citizen safety and convenience. The paper then unpacks how the narrative push for digital solutionism and technology optimism unwittingly serves autocratic agendas. Finally, recommendations are provided for policymakers and civil society organisations seeking to resist the sinister alliance of big data and autocratic repression or what some have rightfully called, “digital dictatorships.'' Understanding the facets of big data that make them a crucial cog in autocratic governance can better aid civil society organisations and multilateral democratic institutions to combat the threat of data-driven autocracy." (Abstract)
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"There is momentum for change. The COVID-19 crisis has emphasized the need for quality SBC programming, and has provided opportunities to improve the way we work. Behavioural approaches which have long been adopted outside the development and humanitarian industries are now getting more traction in
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our sector. UNICEF managers have called for the next generation of SBC programmes. As the organization enters its 2022-2025 Strategic Plan, capacities and activities will be progressively aligned with this new vision, so that interventions on the ground continue to diversify and improve over the coming years. This Programme Guidance is a key building block to realize the new vision and strengthen the SBC function. Within UNICEF, this guidance is part of a larger renewed business model which touches upon different strategic and operational components to change our institutional system. This guidance is also designed to be useful to the needs of our many partners outside UNICEF, because building local and national capacities and stronger communities of practice is central to our mission. We want this guidance to fuel interaction and collaboration with local authorities, civil societies, donors and financial partners, the private sector, UN agencies and NGOs. Ultimately, we hope this guidance can support our commitment to helping countries and citizens improve the lives of children." (Vision for SBC, page 2)
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"The aim of this report is to support ITU members and stakeholders from the Africa region in their efforts to achieve inclusive digital communities by assessing ICT accessibility as a key driver in achieving digital inclusion within the digital transformation process. The report provides an overview
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of the current situation of ICT accessibility implementation in the Africa region. In this document, Member States will also find: information on challenges and opportunities related to digital inclusion; descriptions and definitions of the pillars of digital inclusion within the digital transformation process; information and knowledge about the critical importance of ICT accessibility in ensuring the digital inclusion of all persons regardless of gender, age, ability or location; guidance on the requirements for implementing ICT accessibility, such as ICT accessibility policies and strategies, accessible ICT products and services, appropriation and digital skills." (Page 2)
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"In February 2022, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) took an unprecedented step, citing mis- and disinformation and the “politicization of science” as key barriers to action. For the first time, a document accepted by all Member Governments stated that rhetoric from “vested
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economic and political interests… undermines climate science” and in turn has driven “public misperception of climate risks and polarised public support for climate actions”. The diagnosis was explicit, and built on a growing body of evidence produced across the environmental and research sectors in recent years: to solve the climate crisis, we must also tackle the information crisis. Drawing on research compiled over the past 18 months, and especially in the margins and aftermath of COP26, we have clear evidence of the challenge at hand: the failure to stem mis- and disinformation online has allowed junk science, climate delayism and attacks on climate figures to become mainstreamed. Our analysis has shown how a small but dedicated community of actors boast disproportionate reach and engagement across social media, reaching millions of people worldwide and bolstered by legacy print, broadcast and radio outlets. Far from helping to mitigate this issue, tech platform systems appear to be amplifying or exacerbating the spread of such content. Moreover, the taxonomy of harm relating to climate mis- and disinformation has been poorly defined to date, providing an inadequate basis for response. This report is a collective effort to quantify the problem and establish concrete responses for the months and years ahead. It is a data-driven examination of the landscape, actors, systems and approaches that are combining to prevent action on climate." (https://www.isdglobal.org)
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"This analysis of the Law of the Republic of Azerbaijan “On Media” (Media Law) by the Centre for Law and Democracy (CLD) seeks to enrich and deepen the criticisms and analyses already made of the Law, based on international human rights standards, in particular the right to freedom of expression
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. Azerbaijan has long had a poor track record in terms of respect for freedom of expression and, overall, despite some positive features, the Media Law will likely contribute more to the challenges than to addressing them." (Executive summary)
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"This chapter critically discusses how the democratic arena is changing and deteriorating due to the impact of the power of social media platforms. The focus is on the consequences that personalized forms of information and digital affordances can produce, leading to online information cocoons or fi
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lter bubbles that limit the range of political ideas that people can encounter. Then, the threats to democracy and liberty produced by closed online spaces in which people of similar opinions can congregate are discussed. Finally, the chapter analyses an approach to the regulation of social media based on assessing the nature of digital capitalism and how we pay for the digital services offered by social media platforms." (Abstract)
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"The growth of Russia’s presence across Africa over the last decade has generated significant international concern, further exacerbated after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s engagement can affect the interests and policies of the European Union (EU) and its member states (MS) in Africa
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. How should European policymakers understand these developments and respond to them? To answer this question, this report looks at Russia’s engagement in Africa, reaching three main conclusions.
First, Moscow’s engagement with Africa has so far remained limited as compared to that of other global players, particularly in the economic domain. The current level of (media) attention devoted to Russia’s role in Africa is thus not supported by sufficient evidence of its actual engagement in the continent. At the same time, however, the growth of Russia’s presence is a real trend.
Second, Russian actors are guided by a rather loose strategy when it comes to Africa. The Russian state has some interests that act as a broad framework. However, the actual engagement is carried out not only by state actors, but also by state-backed conglomerates and politically connected private businesses. These latter actors have their own specific interests, which are not always fully aligned with those of the Russian state. While state actors are often driven by geopolitical considerations, Russian companies are more interested in economic opportunities.
Third, Russia’s engagement in African countries is significantly shaped by the different national contexts and by the interests of African governments. For instance, in a strong state like Ethiopia, Russia’s engagement takes place exclusively at the governmental level. By contrast, in Sudan and Mali (contexts with weaker state structures), other Russian actors like private military companies (PMCs) and private businesses are involved. Yet, in all three cases, Moscow’s presence tends to grow when relations between African governments and their international partners (especially in the West) deteriorate, often in the wake of authoritarian turns. This shows the opportunistic nature of Russia’s engagement, as well as the complex trade-offs faced by EU/MS governments when engaging with African governments." (Executive summary)
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"Täglich gibt es Berichte darüber, wie private Betreiber sozialer Medien sich problematischen Vorgaben autoritärer Herrscher beugen. Ob in Thailand, Kasachstan oder Russland, immer wieder werden als Teil von Content Moderation (CM) gezielt Inhalte entfernt oder Konten gelöscht, weil Regierungen
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sich durch Äußerungen in den sozialen Medien kritisiert fühlen. Diesen Einzelfällen liegt ein systemisches Problem von globaler Reichweite zugrunde. Die großen Betreiber sozialer Medien aus den USA bieten ihre Dienste in einer Vielzahl autoritärer Staaten an und erreichen hier Hunderte Millionen Nutzerinnen und Nutzer. Dabei laufen sie Gefahr, zu Komplizen bei der Verletzung von Menschenrechten werden. Um das Verhalten der Unternehmen hinsichtlich dieses Problems überprüfen zu können, sollte sich die deutsche Politik international dafür einsetzen, dass öffentlich einsehbare Human Rights Impact Assessments (HRIAs) verpflichtend vorgegeben werden." (Zusammenfassung)
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"The OECD Policy Framework on Digital Security helps policy makers understand the economic and social dimension of cybersecurity, raises their awareness about the OECD approach to digital security policy, and encourages them to make use of OECD digital security recommendations to develop better poli
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cies. The Framework provides a helpful narrative based upon OECD digital security recommendations and identifies linkages with other policy areas addressed through existing OECD standards and tools." (Foreword, page 3)
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"Temporary internet disruptions and shutdowns pose serious challenges to the exercise of a wide range of rights and therefore cannot be justified under any pretext, whether these relate to preservation of national security, safeguarding the public order, or countering disinformation, among others. A
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ny measure that restricts people's ability to connect to the internet should be strictly justified through the principles of proportionality and necessity. The notion of network disruptions should thus take into account that partial disruptions can take place and have almost as much a deleterious effect on human rights as internet shutdowns." (Conclusion, page 27)
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"This research report explores the strengths and weaknesses of four different frameworks tech companies, governments, and civil society can use to assess harms and benefits of new technologies. The four frameworks include human rights, conflict sensitivity, ethics, and human security. The research m
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ethodology involved interviews among diverse stakeholders in technology and civil society sectors. This research contributes policy recommendations for developing practical, operationalizable guidance that could have an immediate impact on tech companies’ work in countries or regions at risk of human rights abuses and violent conflict." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the instances and circumstances under which the media community in Kenya has closely worked with the government to introduce media reforms though new legislation and related policies. It focuses on changes that have been enacted over the last decade and, in particular, those aim
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ed at responding to challenges related to media viability. The study also explores media-exclusive initiatives that have indirectly influenced policy on the media market." (Introduction, page 2)
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"The aim of this report is to provide a landscape scan of how an extremely diverse set of communities and movements are working at intersections of technology, digital rights, environmental justice and climate justice. The report’s primary audiences are grantmakers and practitioners working in or
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adjacent to the digital rights sector interested in understanding how to centre environmental/climate justice in their work going forward. Secondary intended audiences are grantmakers and practitioners with an environmental or climate focus who are interested in exploring the intersections between their work and that of the digital rights sector. The report aims to provide qualitative insight on the needs of and challenges faced by practitioners engaged in work spanning digital rights, tech and environmental/climate justice issues. It also aims to identify opportunities for digital rights funders to provide impactful support that is grounded in the real-world experiences of different communities and movements engaged in the fight for climate and environmental justice." (Introduction, page 5-6)
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"Reconciliación significa aceptar la verdad como condición para la construcción colectiva y superar el negacionismo y la impunidad. Significa tomar la determinación de nunca más matarnos y sacar las armas de la política. Significa aceptar que somos muchos —en diverso grado, por acción o por
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omisión— los responsables de la tragedia. Significa respetar al otro, a la otra, por encima de las herencias culturales y las rabias acumuladas. Significa tener en cuenta la herida del otro y sus preocupaciones e intereses. Significa construir de tal manera que el Estado, la justicia, la política, la economía y la seguridad estén al servicio de la dignidad humana igual y sagrada de los colombianos y colombianas. Significa que esto lo vamos a construir juntos o no habrá futuro para nadie, y para ir juntos tenemos que cambiar: que el actual Estado se transforme en un Estado para la gente, que los políticos paren la corrupción, que los empresarios no excluyan de la participación en la producción a una multitud que reclama el derecho a ser parte, que los que acaparan la tierra la entreguen; que cambien todos los que colaboran con el narcotráfico, con la guerra, con la exclusión, con la destrucción de la naturaleza. Que no haya más impunidad. Que los que siguen en la guerra entiendan que no hay derecho para seguir haciéndola porque no permite la democracia ni la justicia y solo trae sufrimientos. Que tenemos que construir desde las diferencias con esperanza y confianza colectiva para que seamos posibles hoy y en las generaciones de mañana." (Página 50-51)
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