"The following report is intended to provide an overview of the current state of the literature on the relationship between social media; political polarization; and political “disinformation,” a term used to encompass a wide range of types of information about politics found online, including
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fake news,” rumors, deliberately factually incorrect information, inadvertently factually incorrect information, politically slanted information, and “hyperpartisan” news. The review of the literature is provided in six separate sections, each of which can be read individually but that cumulatively are intended to provide an overview of what is known—and unknown—about the relationship between social media, political polarization, and disinformation. The report concludes by identifying key gaps in our understanding of these phenomena and the data that are needed to address them." (Executive summary)
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"This report focuses on the interactional dynamics between anti-Muslim extremists and radical Islamists in Germany and beyond. It reveals ideological underpinnings, approaches to mobilization and communication patterns, which all prove to be analogous on both sides, and it places emphasis on the rec
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iprocity of hate that may serve to intensify processes of individual and group radicalization. Our study presents the first systematic analysis of the interplay between both forms of extremism that plays out on different places on the Internet. It provides direct evidence showing that Islamist and far-right movements converge at different levels and mutually amplify one another. The analysis focuses on measuring the online interaction between extremist content, individuals and events. Overall, over 10,000 Islamist and far-right Facebook posts and over one million German anti-Muslim tweets between 1 January 2013 and 30 November 2017 were analyzed for this study. Additionally, we conducted three months of ethnographic research into encrypted pro-IS and pro-Al-Qaeda groups on Telegram as well as into far-right chat groups.
Key Findings
Radical Islamism and anti-Muslim racism, which manifest themselves in the form of far-right extremism and right-wing populism exhibit a symbiotic relationship. In the context of glocal interaction patterns, the far right operates as a national sphere of resonance for international jihadism. Both negate and dismantle basic democratic values such as the inviolability of human dignity and religious freedom. What’s more, racism against Muslims paves the way for radicalization through Islamic fundamentalists. We identified three key patterns that reveal common worldviews and argumentative resemblance: First, the demonization of enemies based on a clear distinction between friend and foe. Second, the victimization of one’s own group as both sides take advantage of the alleged discrimination of their own group and the constructed dominance of the other. Third, conspiracy, which is the basic explanation provided for why the respective milieus do not share their exclusionary claim to truth. The alleged systematic blindness caused by the Jews or fake news are needed to balance the dissonance between claims and reality as well as to contribute to demonizing other groups." (Executive summary)
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"While the Kanaks’ pro-independence protests against French settlers have been extensively documented in the global media and academic literature, another protest – more subtle and diffused, but deeply embedded – is now taking place in New Caledonia (South Pacific) to decide whether to remain
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in the French Republic or become independent in a referendum between 2014 and 2019. This article suggests that there is a polarisation in the New Caledonian media sphere that deeply affects journalistic practices. Drawing on data collected from archival research, participant observation and interviews conducted at both the metropolitan daily newspaper, Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes, and the pro-independence radio station, Radio Djiido, this article demonstrates how local journalists problematically navigate and, often, contest diverse sociocultural values, practices and principles prevailing at different times and places/spaces, creating a deep division in the New Caledonian media sphere." (Abstract)
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"Pese al clima –por momentos agobiante– de polarización, en Cuba ha emergido una variedad de blogs y de blogueros que buscan sobreponerse a las dificultades políticas y materiales. Más allá de los adjetivos con que cada «bando» busca descalificar a los otros, en los últimos años la exten
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sión de la blogósfera cubana ha sido capaz, no obstante, de construir algunos puentes y espacios que buscan salir de los «monólogos» tanto oficialistas como opositores. Todo ello en un contexto en el que tanto para el gobierno cubano como para el de Estados Unidos la web forma parte de una batalla política de mayores dimensiones." (Resumen)
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"La cobertura mediática de lo sucedido en el departamento boliviano de Pando sobre la masacre de campesinos afines al gobierno, ejemplifica una tendencia mucho mayor, relacionada con el papel desempeñado por los medios de comunicación durante la polarización política vivida en Bolivia entre el
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2004 y el 2009. En este periodo una gran mayoría de los mass media bolivianos reflejaron la situación de polarización política adoptando una postura clara en el conflicto. Por un lado, los medios de comunicación privados adoptaron una postura política opuesta al gobierno de Morales, y por otro los medios estatales y comunitarios, que se perfilaron como partidarios del gobierno. Esto llevó a una situación de manipulación de la información, en la que los medios privados, especialmente televisivos, difundían una versión de la realidad que favorecía a los partidos políticos y movimientos cívicos y sociales oponentes al gobierno, mientras que los medios estatales difundían una versión que favorecía al gobierno de Morales. Consecuencia de esto fue que la opinión pública fue dejada a las expensas de lo que los medios de comunicación, en base a su propia postura política, decidían (des)informar (Mayorga 2009:9, 17)." (Resumen)
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