"How are Western journalists who are killed in the course of their work remembered? Using the biographies of journalists killed covering conflict, this article investigates the discursive repertoires through which the memorialization of journalists killed while reporting conflict is accomplished. Th
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e authors argue that such journalists are consistently constructed as humanitarian, cosmopolitan witnesses engaged in supererogatory moral projects involving justice and voice for those outside of these journalists’ geopolitical home communities. This particular articulation appears to herald a recent shift in the memorialization of the journalistic dead, although it is continuous with longer discourses in fields such as photojournalism and its idea of the ‘concerned photographer’. We speculate that this shift is consistent with material changes in the field – in particular, the precaritization of conflict reporting driving journalists into the material and social world of professional humanitarianism, whose discourses around the moral worth and cosmopolitan nature of the work have colonized the subfield of conflict reporting." (Abstract)
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"Targeted attacks on journalists are internationally condemned crimes, which not only undermine freedom of expression, but also symbolize an utter disregard for basic human rights. Yet, murders of journalists occur in all types of regimes, whether autocratic or democratic. This article explores the
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conditions that enable journalists to be subject to deadly attacks by state officials and unknown perpetrators. The typology of monitoring coercive agents is useful for the distinction between private and public information. External monitors, which share the information they gather with the public and hold the coercive agents accountable, are crucial for a safe working environment for journalists. The results of the multivariate regressions demonstrate that three main indicators of external monitoring, (1) robustness of civil society, (2) independence of media, and (3) strength of the judiciary are all associated with the occurrence of murders of journalists in a country. While a robust civil society and a strong judiciary decreases the probability of journalists being murdered by state officials and unknown perpetrators, a more critical and independent media structure appears to be associated with a higher probability of murders of journalists. The risks of such murders are especially higher for scenarios where the critical media outlets are abundant, but civil society and the judiciary are particularly weak and ineffective." (Abstract)
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"This study was conducted to assess the risks journalists face while reporting in Somalia. It was guided by three specific objectives that included: evaluating the cases of physical attacks on journalists reporting in Somalia, analyzing the cases of arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of journalists
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recorded in Somalia and investigating the cases of journalists being killed in Somalia in three years between 2019 and 2021. The study was qualitative and used secondary data to explore the objectives. It analyzed data from five reports which had information collected between 2019- 2021 that included: The Somali Mechanism for Safety of Journalists (SMSJ) report 2021, The UNESCO observatory report on journalists killed 2021, The National Union of Somalia Journalists (NUSOJ) report of 2021, The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) report of 2020/2021, and The Amnesty International Research report of 2020. Data was classified into three thematic areas according to the study objectives. The data was then uploaded into the coding sheet and analyzed. The study found out that, Media freedoms in Somalia is being suppressed by the Federal state and non-state actors. Evidence from the reports showed that, between 2019 and 2021, eight journalists have been killed, 66 journalists have been arbitrary arrested and 81 journalists have been physically attacked and assaulted. Additionally, The Somali federal and state governments targeted and raided media outlets considered disloyal to the regime and approximately 14 media outlets were struck by government officials and armed soldiers. The study recommends that, according to UN plan of Action on the safety of Journalists and the issue of impunity (2012), the Somali government needs to demonstrate its assurance to the protection and safety of journalists and media freedom by taking significant action to tackle the extensive impunity for crimes against the media, otherwise, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights ACHPR having signed a memorandum of understanding with UNESCO to safeguard journalists should step in and manage the risks that journalists working in Somalia face daily." (Abstract)
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"Journalists in Pakistan are losing their lives during the course of their duty. This study identifies the factors and actors behind the killings of Pakistani journalists and the role of stakeholders and media owners in compromising journalists’ safety, under the lens of social responsibility theo
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ry, by unearthing the case study of slain journalist Arshad Sharif. This study looks into the complete picture of Pakistani journalists’ killings. In order to collect data, in-depth interviews of 15 seasoned journalists are conducted through snowball sampling and 10 recent tweets of Arshad Shairf has been examined by applying the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to uncover the rhetoric. The findings show that the journalists in Pakistan are performing their jobs in grave situation and get exposed to life threats when they blur the line between journalism and politics. State and non-state actors, land mafias and criminal gangs threaten journalists. Stakeholders and media owners use media workers for their interests. The case of Arshad Sharif’s murder has raised questions on the safety of journalists and the journalistic ethics in Pakistan. It is recommended to revisit the freedom of expression and media code of ethics in the light of findings of this research." (Abstract)
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"¿Cómo proteger a la prensa en un país violento? Desde el 2020, cada año se impone un nuevo récord de amenazas contra periodistas. La cifra del 2022 fue de 218, la más alta de los últimos quince años. Además, dos periodistas fueron asesinados, para un total de cinco en los últimos tres añ
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os. Con estas violencias ocurren múltiples heridas que fracturan la confianza de la gente, que instalan el miedo en los poros de la comunidad y que van trazando un país con puntos ciegos y verdades ahogadas. Estos ataques frustran la posibilidad de compartir información, de hacer seguimiento a los problemas que afectan a la comunidad y poner freno a las arbitrariedades, esas que con frecuencia ocurren en las zonas más conflictivas del país. Ahí, quienes hacen periodismo son blanco de grupos criminales, ya sea porque el Estado no les protege o porque es cómplice. ¿Cómo pedirle a los gobiernos y a las figuras políticas que protejan al periodismo cuando son ellos quienes estigmatizan y desacreditan? Entre abril y julio del año pasado, la campaña electoral para elegir presidente se convirtió en otro campo de batalla. La discusión política transcurrió en medio de altísimos niveles de violencia y se caracterizó por constantes y hostiles mensajes contra la prensa. ¿Quiénes son los nuevos guardianes del territorio? Se trata de periodistas ciudadanos, cuyas figuras emergen especialmente en aquellos municipios, pueblos y veredas donde prácticamente no existen empresas de comunicación. No tienen un guión y la mayoría han aprendido su oficio de manera empírica. Su trabajo es cuestionado por figuras públicas quienes les tildan de activistas, militantes e incluso opositores, buscando agredir a esas voces que vigilan y controvierten al poder local. Es necesario responder a estas tres preguntas para poder entender mejor la radiografía de la violencia que, como en décadas pasadas, vuelve a enfilarse contra la prensa en todo el país. Hacer ese repaso por quiénes son, por qué los amenazan y cuáles son las consecuencias de esos ataques, también supone anticipar que esta situación podría empeorar." (https://flip.org.co)
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"Due to the increasing number of journalists being killed, kidnapped, and imprisoned across the globe, the safety of journalists seems to be deteriorating. The level of violence against journalists varies over time and from area to area, even within the same country. This article analyzes the violen
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ce faced by journalists in the conflict areas of Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan. The collected data were analyzed thematically using the research question themes, namely threats and challenges affecting journalists; gender-specific risk; the number of affected journalists; types of risk factors involved in conflict reporting; and the recommendations for promoting conflict reporting and peace journalism education. Semi-structured questionnaires were designed, which entailed questions that were best suited in terms of the objectives of the study. Responses from the selected respondents (80) were recorded and then data from 1992 to 2020 were statistically analyzed. In conflict areas (Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan), the highest number of deaths were recorded due to crossfire (45.8%). The findings illustrate that among three countries Iraq had the highest number of male (48.4%) and female (4.2%) journalists in terms of gender-specific risk. Further results show that military officials and political groups are the deepest risk factors causing threats to the lives of journalists. In conclusion, a journalist's geographic location, workplace environment, religion, and culture can influence their moral behavior, sense of judgment, general mindset, and psychological disposition, all of which influence journalists’ overall behavior and attitude. However, adopting safety measures by journalists does not always reduce the challenges of conflict areas." (Abstract)
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"After the death of a reporter who investigated narcopolitics, her colleagues formed a secret collective to bring the killers to justice—and challenge a culture of impunity." (Introduction)
"[...] Since returning to power in August 2021, the Taliban has imposed a new media control regime, which has three key features: restriction, gender-discrimination, and repression with impunity. First, the Taliban has passed several media policies, imposing extreme constraints on press freedom and
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media rights. Any sort of critical reporting on topics related to the government or the public is banned. The Taliban regulate the content of publications and broadcasts, imposing broad, vaguely worded prohibitions. For example, under the new regulations, media content that contradicts “Islamic values,” “Afghan values,” and “public interest” is prohibited. No operational definitions have been provided for these terms, nor an objective standard for assessing and determining breach. This has caused uncertainty and confusion about what the media can and cannot publish and broadcast, often resulting in precautionary media self-censorship. The new rules also give the Taliban sweeping powers to directly control the media and news output, barring broadcast and publication of matters and content that has not been officially sanctioned by Taliban official/s. These restrictions and interferences limit the right and ability of the Afghan media to seek, receive and impart information freely and independently.
Second, the Taliban has passed policies specifically targeting Afghan women in the media. These restrictions give the Taliban control over women’s attire and the nature and scope of their involvement in the media, restraining their freedom of expression and movement, as well as their ability to perform their tasks effectively. The general travel restrictions on women and girls make it almost impossible for women to work, in particular, limiting the ability of female journalists from gathering information or contributing to field reporting. The Taliban’s antiwomen media policies and practices are aimed towards excluding Afghan women from the media and public life.
Third, the Taliban treats the Afghan media and media-related affairs as a security threat. The Taliban security and intelligence agencies are increasingly involved in controlling media affairs. Taliban operatives use repressive measures against members of the Afghan media in claiming to enforce the new regulations. Afghan journalists and other members of the media have been subjected to heavy surveillance, intimidation, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Cases of beatings, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings have also taken place." (Executive summary, pages 1-2)
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"The Report is a unique mechanism within the UN system for monitoring the killings of journalists. It was first published in 2008, upon a Decision of the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC). The report is published every two years, mak
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ing an occasion for Member States to take stock of global developments and discuss challenges linked to promoting the safety of journalists and combatting impunity." (https://www.unesco.org/reports/safety-journalists/2022/en)
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"Elisabeth Blanche Olofio’s reporting exposed local corruption and human rights abuses in the Central African Republic, providing her community with crucial information on the ongoing rebel advance at the time. On 5 January 2013, she was severely beaten, tortured and raped by Séléka rebels in he
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r hometown of Bambari in connection to her reporting. She suffered from sustained psychological and physical trauma and succumbed to her injuries in June 2014. Elisabeth was 34 years old. Our new investigation into the attack on Elisabeth Blanche Olofio reveals the vulnerability of local journalists reporting in conflict zones to becoming targets of brutal and sometimes even lethal violence, whereas attacks against them are rarely investigated, let alone lead to justice being served." (Abstract)
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"This report analyses the model of a Public Inquiry - or a similarly independent process such as a parliamentary inquiry - that can run in parallel with a criminal investigation but has the broader remit of investigating the circumstances that led to murder, and the political climate within which it
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happened. To this end, it will explore the efficacy of the Maltese Public Inquiry model as a good practice. It will highlight how it - or elements of it - can be followed by other countries in order to combat impunity for other cases of violence against journalists and, ultimately, prevent such cases. In particular, this report will identify the elements that allowed the Inquiry to function independently from the State, and from the ongoing criminal investigation. This report will also look at the recommendations made by the Public Inquiry and some of the steps required to implement them." (Introduction)
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"In 2020-2021, UNESCO recorded a total of 117 killings of journalists worldwide, a high number in absolute terms, but a 25% drop from the previous two-year period, when UNESCO recorded a total of 156 killings. This biennium recorded the lowest death toll compared to any other reporting period since
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the first Director-General's report in 2008. The year 2021 shows the lowest annual death toll in 14 years with 55 deaths, representing a further decrease in killings compared to the previous record low of 57 killings in 2019. However, it is important to highlight that, although outside of the reporting period, as of 30 September 2022, according to the “UNESCO Observatory of killed journalists”, a total of 66 journalists have been killed in 2022." (Executive summary)
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"The recent barbaric murder of an investigative journalist in Malta who was looking into corruption at the top echelons of power sparked off a civil society movement, Repubblika, spurring ordinary citizens into participating in collective protest action. The movement also incorporated a loose groupi
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ng of women calling themselves ‘Occupy Justice’. Different forms of protest against government corruption have resulted in the resignation of various senior politicians and high-ranking officials, including the Prime Minister. Taking as a point of departure the struggle against the unequal distribution of power as defined by Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, the empowering force of civil protest is here examined in relation to how power is appropriated and how institutional power is resisted. Micromobilization and mesomobilization are seen as two means of staging protest and creating a common force with which to confront corrupt power structures. Protest, power, and resistance are viewed in the light of theatrical events; the creative means deployed to stage protests are discussed. The aesthetic qualities meant to transform perception and move people to action for bringing about political change are highlighted in relation to both sensory and symbolic dynamics." (Abstract)
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"In this contribution, using a case-study approach, we focus on the assassination of Ján Kuciak and his fiancée and explore the impact and consequences that it had on the community of investigative journalists in Slovakia. By conducting a series of semi-structured interviews with top investigative
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journalists (N = 12), we seek to answer two questions: How have they coped with the murder of their colleague? And, how has this incident changed their everyday journalistic practices and routines when it comes to achieving and maintaining safety? We identified 12 coping actions which, based on their function, were organised into five higher order families of coping: emotional purging; sharing and support seeking; avoidance and displacement; defiance and defence; and spreading the legacy and giving meaning to the tragedy. Regarding safety and security practices, the journalists claim that their approach has fundamentally changed. A variety of measures to stay safe, both online and offline, were adopted both on the organisational and on the individual level. However, many of these measures are not used consistently, mostly because they are not deemed necessary when covering non-sensitive topics, but also because of their impracticality in everyday journalistic work, and sceptical and fatalistic approach of the journalists to safety." (Abstract)
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"The 2022 Global Impunity Index found that no one has been held to account for nearly 80% of 263 journalist murders over the past 10 years worldwide. CPJ seeks justice for these slain journalists, including full and timely investigations and the convictions of those who carry out and order the murde
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rs." (About this report)
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