"Sardasht Osman was a courageous and talented 23-year-old citizen journalist, who wrote about corruption and political mismanagement within the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) in a period of political upheaval. On 13 December 2009, Sardasht wrote a satirical article accusing the family of Presiden
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t Barzani of corruption and nepotism, a ‘red line’ in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). The article, titled: ‘I Am In Love With Barzani’s Daughter’, juxtaposed the hardships of average Kurdish citizens with the lavish lifestyle of the Barzani family. On 4 May 2010, Sardasht was kidnapped in Erbil and assassinated because of his writings. Twelve years later, no one has been arrested and convicted for his kidnap and assassination, and there are serious allegations that officials linked to the Barzani family were involved in the murder. Our investigation team interviewed dozens of witnesses, analyzed official case files and statements, and reviewed satellite imagery and photographic evidence. The aim was to scrutinize the official investigation and unearth new findings concerning Sardasht’s murder. This report reveals serious flaws in the official investigation into the kidnap and assassination of Sardasht, and finds credible allegations that Kurdish authorities were directly involved in the murder." (Abstract)
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"For this report we analyzed hundreds of cases of journalists who were murdered in reprisal for their work. What stands out is their courage to report misdemeanor by those in power despite the clear and often well-known risks this entails for them. What stands out as well is the lack of capacity in
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so many countries across the world to better their record when it comes to journalist murders. This is tied to the fact that addressing impunity requires addressing systemic failures. As murders of journalists often reveal informal power structures, solving a murder entails more than implementing an independent and thorough investigation. The collusion of power, especially between organized crime and political actors, seems to be one of the main challenges to improving the record on impunity. This is clearly illustrated by the consequences of the investigation into the murder of young Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak. The investigation - aided by journalistic research - exposed a network of corrupt people in power involved in the killing, leading to the arrest of numerous judges, prosecutors and high-ranking police officials. In this paper, we conclude that we see merit in changing our narrative: instead of focusing so much on the cyclical effects of impunity, we should focus our discussions and efforts on ways in which we can address the root causes of journalist murders. We believe this can set much needed change in motion. To this end, we have identified several avenues to justice in this report. There is no silver bullet to solve the complex issue of impunity, but there are common threads in the cases that have been solved, which we believe we should take as a starting point." (Abstract, page 2)
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"The murder of Gerry Ortega is indicative of structural problems concerning the safety of journalists in the Philippines; while the hitmen are often arrested, the powerful masterminds behind the killings of journalists often evade justice. Gerry Ortega was a prominent broadcast journalist and enviro
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nmental activist in the province of Palawan. Ortega’s work: informing the public on graft and corruption within the provincial government, made him a target for those in power. He was not afraid to openly criticize local politicians such as then-governor Joel T. Reyes for their corruption, publicly opposing Palawan mining projects. On the morning of 24 January 2011, Gerry was shot and killed. The alleged mastermind is that same former governor of Palawan, Joel T. Reyes. Reyes has escaped justice for more than a decade. He continues to wield influence over local public officials in Palawan. He has now filed his candidacy for the position of governor in the upcoming local elections in May 2022." (Abstract)
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"Why do state authorities murder journalists? We show that the majority of journalists are killed in democracies and present an argument that focuses on institutional differences between democratic states. In democracies, journalists will most likely be targeted by local state authorities that have
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limited options to generally restrict press freedom. Where local governments are elected, negative reporting could mean that local politicians lose power and influence, especially if they are involved in corrupt practices. Analyzing new global data on journalist killings that identify the perpetrator and visibility of the journalist, we show that local-level elections carry an inherent risk, particularly for less visible journalists. Killings perpetrated by criminal groups follow a similar pattern to those by state authorities, pointing to possible connections between these groups. Our study shows that without effective monitoring and accountability, national democratic institutions alone are unable to effectively protect journalists from any perpetrator." (Abstract)
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"When press freedom groups began a campaign against impunity, they set out to gain justice in individual cases of journalists murdered for their work. Did a global norm evolve in the process? Among the rights guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19, is notable for its ele
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gance and simplicity. It states, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart informa-tion and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” It would seem elemental that this right cannot be exercised in practice when those who express critical views are systematically murdered with impunity. Yet between 1992 and 2020, 870 journalists were murdered in direct reprisal for their work. Each of these killings was more than a murder; it was an effective form of censorship that deprived whole societies of essential information and protected powerful figures from the scrutiny that would make them accountable to the people." (Abstract)
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"Regina Martínez Pérez was a prolific journalist from the state of Veracruz in Mexico, one of the most dangerous countries for journalists. Since 2006, Veracruz has seen a particularly high rate of journalist murders, and on 28 April 2012, Regina Martínez Pérez was brutally murdered in her home
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in the city of Xalapa. The police investigation into her murder has been heavily criticized by various experts and observers, pointing to significant anomalies in the official investigation. To address the many questions around the official investigation and in an attempt to uncover the truth around the murder, we conducted our own investigation into the case." (Abstract)
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"Overall, the situation of press freedom in Somalia between May 2020 and May 2021 has continued to experience a sharp and unfortunate decline. In total, FESOJ recorded the murder of 2 journalists – as a resulted of targeted killing, 52 arrests, assault and injury to 9 reporters in the line of duty
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, as well as threats, intimidation and government influenced firing of at-least 71 journalists across the country. As the country gears for long-awaited elections, the impact of the political stalemate on the practice of journalism has been negative – with more violence and threats inflicted on media workers. In 2021, based on data collected by FESOJ, state authorities such as the police and the national intelligence service, more commonly known as NISA account for the majority of the violence, threats and arbitrary arrests against journalists. The 2021 data shows 51% (71 cases) increase in physical attacks, threats and intimidation compared to 2020 in which FESOJ recorded violence and threats against 47 journalists and media workers." (Executive summary)
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"Previous research finds that journalist killings are more likely to occur in democracies rather than non-democracies. While these results provide an important first step in exploring regime type's effect on journalist's safety, they assume no variation in how long countries have remained a regime t
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ype. In this paper, I argue that as a country's regime type endures, the likelihood of seeing journalists killed for their work will decrease. My theory also examines the process in different regime types and argues that this effect should hold for autocracies and anocracies, but not democracies vertical bar though democratic consolidation should decrease journalist killings there. Using an original sample of journalists killed for their professional work in countries worldwide from 1992 to 2014, I evaluate my theory using regression and survival analyses and find evidence that as regime types endure, journalist killings decrease, on average. As expected, the result holds for autocracies and anocracies but not democracies. However, the data show democratic consolidation does decrease journalist killings. The results provide a broader understanding of the working dynamics between regime type and journalists' safety in a country's media system." (Abstract)
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"Since 2000, more than 150 journalists have been killed in Mexico. Today the country is one of the most dangerous in the world in which to be a reporter. In Surviving Mexico, Celeste González de Bustamante and Jeannine E. Relly examine the networks of political power, business interests, and organi
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zed crime that threaten and attack Mexican journalists, who forge ahead despite the risks. Amid the crackdown on drug cartels, overall violence in Mexico has increased, and journalists covering the conflict have grown more vulnerable. But it is not just criminal groups that want reporters out of the way. Government forces also attack journalists in order to shield corrupt authorities and the very criminals they are supposed to be fighting. Meanwhile some news organizations, enriched by their ties to corrupt government officials and criminal groups, fail to support their employees. In some cases, journalists must wait for a “green light” to publish not from their editors but from organized crime groups. Despite seemingly insurmountable constraints, journalists have turned to one another and to their communities to resist pressures and create their own networks of resilience. Drawing on a decade of rigorous research in Mexico, González de Bustamante and Relly explain how journalists have become their own activists and how they hold those in power accountable." (Publisher description)
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"Zubair Mujahid was a journalist from Mirpurkhas in Pakistan whose stories exposed corruption and human rights abuses. His stories and columns were published in the Daily Jang, an Urdu language newspaper based in Karachi, Pakistan’s largest urban centre. On 23 November 2007, Zubair was shot while
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he was sitting on the back of his colleague’s motorcycle, driving home after a long working day. Our investigative team reviewed the official police files and interviewed twenty witnesses with the aim of uncovering new evidence to support the road to justice for Zubair. The investigation also included an analysis of Zubair’s publications prior to the murder, and threats he received in response to his writing. This report presents the findings of our investigation." (Abstract)
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"At least 91 cases of attacks and violations against media and its practitioners, including journalists, took place in Pakistan over the course of one year — between May 2019 and April 2020 — signifying a worryingly escalating climate of intimidation and harassment that is adversely affecting th
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e freedom of expression and access to information environment in the country, according to this research and analysis report by Freedom Network, an award-winning Pakistan-based media rights watchdog that tracks violations against journalists on an ongoing basis." (Executive summary)
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"For the fifth year in a row, Somalia tops the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) Global Impunity Index on countries where those who kill journalists escape prosecution. The Somali authorities rarely investigate cases of killings or attacks on journalists, media outlets and critics. At least
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eight journalists were killed in south central Somalia and Puntland since 2017 when president Farmajo took office. Four of the journalists were killed in 2018 and two in 2019. Another journalist survived – albeit with serious injuries – an attempt on his life in 2018 when an improvised explosive device (IED) was fitted to his car and detonated. Aside from two cases including one in which a policeman who killed a journalist in Mogadishu in 2018 was convicted in absentia, no one has been held accountable for the killings or the attempted killings of the other journalists. The policeman remains at large." (Executive summary)
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"This article details the role of collaborative journalism during the process of rebuilding investigative journalism at its core thus assuring enduring investment in its quality. We will start by characterizing the concepts of investigative journalism and collaborative journalism, using leading scho
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lars in both of these complementary areas; we will, then, identify the pressures that constrains investigative journalism, and analyse how journalistic collaboration has a potential for resistance that can protect both investigative journalism and the journalists who practice it. Our article path will be complemented with the case study of the "Daphne Project", the first project of the consortium "Forbidden Stories", the international platform created by Laurent Richard. This project will be characterized through a documentary analysis and with interviews we conducted with both its founder, Laurent Richard, and Mathew Caruana Galizia, the son of Daphne Caruana Galizia, the Maltese journalist murdered on October 16th 2017, during her investigations. The Daphne Project was created for the purpose of keeping alive stories of journalists who have been killed, imprisoned or, for some reason, were unable to pursue their investigations. Not only does collaborative journalism protect investigative journalism and investigative journalists, but cross-borders collaboration also allows "sharing the risk across a wide range of international players" (Sambrook, 2017). If the absolute exposure of the lonely investigative journalist turns him/her into a target in territories where freedom of speech is threatened, the murder of this Maltese journalist, followed by the murder of Slovakian Ján Kuciak, in 2018, placed Europe as an unlikely set on the risk map. While acknowledging the problems caused by international consortium of journalists, this research highlights, above all, how these partnerships, anchored in "radical sharing" (Guevara, 2016)1, are contributing to enhance investigative journalism." (Abstract)
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"Este libro, como pocos, cuenta la historia de todo aquello que el periodismo debería ser y, al mismo tiempo, de todas sus debilidades. Cuatro valientes guerreros de la libertad de expresión, ejerciendo su función fundamental de lanzar luz sobre graves violaciones de derechos humanos, son permane
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ntemente silenciados. Al buscar la verdad, terminan ellos mismos por ser protagonistas de un trágico episodio. Esta investigación, ejemplo sin par de un proceso de memoria y verdad, estoy seguro es, a la vez, una herramienta para poner fin a la impunidad en el caso particular ilustrado por el libro y fuente de inspiración para procurar justicia en otros casos de asesinatos de periodistas que siguen sin dar castigo a los victimarios. Memoria, verdad, justicia, violaciones de derechos humanos, investigación, impunidad, palabras clave que acompañan el ejercicio del periodismo y que componen el hilo conductor de este brillante trabajo." (Guilherme Canela, Consejero regional de Comunicación e Información de la UNESCO, en la tapa posterior del libro)
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"The period between 2014 through the end of 2018 has seen 495 journalists killed, according to UNESCO data, which represents an 18% increase in the number of killings as compared to the preceding 5-year period (2009-2013). Based on the number of killings, the most dangerous regions for journalists a
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re the Arab States region, the Latin America and Caribbean region and the Asia and the Pacific region. Across all regions the vast majority of killings were of local journalists, rather than foreign reporters. The five-year period saw an inversion in the proportion of journalists being killed outside of conflict zones. While in 2014 a majority of journalist killings occurred in conflict regions, in 2017 and 2018 more killings (55% in both years) occurred outside conflict regions. This trend reflects the changing nature of violence against journalists, who were increasingly silenced for reporting on issues of corruption, crime and politics. Although the vast majority of journalists killed are men, killings of women journalists almost doubled relative to the previous 5-year period (24 female journalists were killed in 2009-2013, compared to 46 in 2014-2018). The issue of impunity remains widespread, with only 131 cases of journalists’ killings reported by Member States as being resolved since 2006, representing an overall impunity rate of 88%." (Executive summary, page 8)
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"Jagendra Singh hatte wieder und wieder über einen Minister der Regierung im Bundesstaat Uttar Pradesh berichtet, der in den illegalen Abbau von Sand involviert gewesen sein soll [...] Singh ist einer von weltweit mindestens 13 Journalisten, die seit 2009 mutmaßlich getötet wurden, nachdem sie ü
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ber Ressourcenausbeutung oder Umweltverschmutzung berichteten. Zahlreiche weitere wurden angegriffen, eingeschüchtert oder mit Klagen überzogen, um ihre Berichterstattung zu behindern. Die Organisation Forbidden Stories, ein internationaler Zusammenschluss investigativer Journalisten, hat deshalb das Projekt "Green blood" - grünes Blut - ins Leben gerufen. 40 Journalisten von 30 Medienorganisationen haben in den vergangenen Monaten zusammengearbeitet, um die Arbeit von Kollegen fortzuführen, die bei Recherchen über Umwelt- und Ressourcenausbeutung getötet oder beeinträchtigt wurden. Darunter Reporter von Guardian, Le Monde, El País und den deutschen Medien Süddeutsche Zeitung, WDR und Die Zeit. Forbidden Stories hatte bereits im vergangenen Jahr die Arbeit der ermordeten maltesischen Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia fortgeführt, um ein Signal zu setzen: Wer einzelne Reporter zum Schweigen bringen will, muss damit rechnen, dann einer Vielzahl von Reportern gegenüberzustehen. So kam es auch im Fall von Jagendra Singh und dem verdächtigen Minister Rammurti Singh Verma. Reporter von Forbidden Stories sprachen mit Hinterbliebenen, der einzigen Zeugin des Vorfalls, ehemaligen Kollegen und anderen Journalisten vor Ort. Sie erfuhren, dass Verma der Familie des verstorbenen Journalisten umgerechnet etwa 45 000 Dollar gezahlt hatte mit der Bedingung, dass sie auf weitere Anschuldigungen gegen ihn verzichten und die von der lokalen Polizei verbreitete Darstellung der Todesumstände akzeptieren würden: Singh habe Selbstmord begangen." (https://www.sueddeutsche.de)
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"Jamal Khashoggi is known for his very sharp critics to Saudi Arabian Governments. He was murdered at the Consulate facility of Saudi Arabia in Istanbul-Turkey. The case has become a concern of international society, put the questions of freedom of expression and press as well the security of journa
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list. This article is a normative legal research that is aimed to analyze the international human rights law’s protection to the journalist's activities and to discuss the case of Khashoggi, specifically on the issue which authorities that have obligations to impose legal sanctions to the alleged perpetrators. The research suggests that there have been international human rights norms and principles that protect journalist activities. In addition, it suggests that Turkey has jurisdiction to launch an investigation and prosecute the perpetrators who involve in the murder of Jamal Khashoggi." (Abstract)
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"Democracies with sharp violence and public insecurity have proliferated in recent decades, with many also featuring extreme economic inequality. These conditions have not been explicitly considered in comparative research on journalists’ work environments, an omission that may obscure important r
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ealities of contemporary journalism. We address this gap through analysis of journalist surveys in 62 countries. We confirm the existence of insecure democracies as an empirical phenomenon and begin to unravel their meaning for journalists. We find democracies with uneven democratic performance tend to have more journalist assassinations, which is the most extreme form of influence on work, and that levels of democratic performance, violence, public insecurity and economic inequality significantly shape how journalists perceive various influences in their work environment. Case studies of insecure democracies in Africa and Latin America address why these conditions sometimes (but not always) lead to journalist assassinations and other anti-press violence. They suggest anti-press violence is higher when sub-national state actors intensify criminal violence and when insecurity is geographically and topically proximate to journalists. How journalists’ perceive influences on work are therefore more complex and multidimensional than previous research has suggested. The study concludes by identifying areas for improvement in data collection." (Abstract)
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