"This report provides analysis of the 593 killings of journalists as condemned by the Director-General of UNESCO between 1 January 2006 and 31 December 2013 with an emphasis on cases which took place in 2012 and 2013. With 123 killings, 2012 constitutes the deadliest year for journalists since the r
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eport was first compiled in 2008. In 2013, the overall number of killings was 91 deaths, a decrease by a quarter compared to 2012. However, this figure still represents the second highest number of killed journalists since the report was first presented. “Traditional media” have been the most affected by fatal attacks. Print journalists constitute the largest number, with 244 journalists killed (41 percent). This is followed by journalists working in television with 154 killed (26 percent) and radio with 123 killed (21 percent). The vast majority of the 593 journalists killed over this period have been local (around 94 percent). Approximately 94 percent of all killed journalists are men. Nevertheless women journalists face specific risks in their work including sexual attacks and harassment which is not reflected in the statistics of fatal attacks. Overall, the Arab States region registered the highest number of killings of journalists at 190 deaths (32 percent) of the total. Asia and the Pacific region accounted for 179 deaths (30 percent), Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region for 123 deaths (21 percent), African region for 76 deaths (13 percent), and Europe and the North America region for 25 deaths (4 percent)." (Summary)
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"Journalists play a central role in fostering a society based on the open discussion of facts and the pursuit of the truth, as opposed to one based on rumor, prejudice, and the naked exercise of power. As a result, journalists are often literally in the line of fire and deserve special protection. T
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his article considers the characteristics of deadly attacks on journalists over the last two decades and examines how the applicable legal and policy frameworks can be used better or improved to provide a higher level of protection. Impunity, often a by-product of the politicized nature of journalistic activities, is seen as the major cause of continuous attacks on journalists. The conclusion is drawn that one of the key elements of a strategy to better protect journalists is to "elevate" the issue on a number of fronts: to move prevention and accountability from the local to the central level within domestic jurisdictions, while simultaneously heightening the level of international engagement with this issue." (Abstract)
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"Deadly, unpunished violence against the press rose sharply in Pakistan and Mexico, continuing a dark, years-long trend in both nations, the Committee to Protect Journalists has found in its newly updated Impunity Index. The global index, which calculates unsolved journalist murders as a percentage
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of each country’s population, shows that Pakistani authorities routinely fail to bring prosecutions in journalist murders, including several with suspected government links, while Mexican officials are yet to effectively combat the murderous crime groups targeting news media in vast parts of the nation [...] CPJ’s index found improving conditions in Colombia and Nepal, along with a long-term decline in deadly, antipress violence in Bangladesh that caused that country to drop off the list entirely. But the four worst nations in combating journalist murders—Iraq, Somalia, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka—showed virtually no sign of progress." (Page 2)
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"Turning the tide on the killing of journalists involves several steps, but primarily it is a matter of having the political will to acknowledge the issue as important and ending the impunity for those responsible for the violence. These steps include: following through on making attacks on the medi
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a, particularly murders, a federal rather than a state or local crime, in order to remove the investigations from often corrupt or intimidated local law enforcement groups. This fundamental legal change would be significant in ending the cycle of impunity and the botched investigations that currently feed the violence; strengthening the special prosecutor’s office, with additional funding and staff, to more effectively go after those accused of these crimes; forming a common front in the media to tackle the problems of security for journalists and the risks of reporting on transnational organized crime; persuading national opinion leaders to speak out about the violence and its impact on society; targeting international aid specifically for the protection of journalists." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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This report examines the murders of 22 journalists and three media support workers, along with the disappearances of seven journalists, during the Calderón presidency, which began in December 2006. The report identifies systemic law enforcement failures and offers potential solutions.
"More journalists were killed last year than ever before. No doubt the world has become a more dangerous place for journalists, but not necessarily in ways that people might expect. The risks to foreign journalists, especially for (but hardly limited to) Western correspondents, have risen dramatical
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ly. Some of us are old enough to recall a time back in the 1980s when raising a white flag and writing TV in masking tape on a vehicle might help keep one safe. But in recent years reporters for outlets from The Wall Street Journal to Al-Arabiya have been attacked in ways which demonstrate that being a journalist may only make one more of a target." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes the liability of the Philippine President for the tort of constitutional negligence in relation to the murders and forced disappearances of leftists, journalists, and other dissidents. It uses the international law doctrine of command responsibility as a form of attribution th
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at may be used, by analogy, to hold the President accountable for a culture of impunity. The article describes the role of the President as the regulator of a human rights-conducive information ecology and argues that massive human rights violations meant to silence dissidents are a source of liability for which a class action suit is an available remedy. Finally, it looks at the concept of presidential immunity from suit from a comparative perspective and argues that the continued application of restrictive immunity rules established during the American colonial era is misplaced considering the universalist design of the present Philippine Constitution and developments in immunity jurisprudence in the United States." (Abstract)
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"Independent media have expanded and diversified in Afghanistan, though the country remains a precarious and hazardous place for journalists and media organisations. Nine journalists have been killed between January 1, 2007 and the writing of these lines (though one case remains a little unclear), w
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hile abductions, physical violence, threats and intimidation against journalists continue with worrying frequency. While the establishment of a number of print, broadcast and online media outlets creates an atmosphere of hope for the growth of free media in the country, attacks on journalists, death threats and intimidation from armed insurgency owing allegiance to the Taliban continue. Worryingly, there has also been an increasing trend of official and governmental sources, not to mention the various armed groups that continue to have immense influence in the national houses of parliament, to threaten and harass media and media workers. The threats are clearly intended to silence debate about the new Afghanistan, and to stifle the development of an independent and critical media through which such debate would be conducted.
Religious hardliners continue to apply pressure on the Government of President Hamid Karzai to impose or support harsh measures against individuals and institutions who do not bow to fundamentalist ideas about the direction of Afghan society. This is despite the clear guarantee in Afghanistan’s Constitution of the right of citizens to freedom of expression. The most prominent example is that of Sayed Parvez Kambakhsh, a young journalist with the Jahan-e-Naw weekly and a student at Balkh University, Mazar-e-Sharif, who was sentenced to death after a four-minute closed-door hearing in January 2008, on charges of blasphemy." (Page 3)
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"One thousand journalists and support staff have died trying to report the news around the world in the past 10 years: an average of two a week. Only one in four news media staff died covering war and other armed conflicts. The great majority died in peacetime, working in their own countries. At lea
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st 657 men and women were murdered - eliminated as they tried to shine light into the dark recesses of their societies - and only one in eight of their killers were prosecuted. In two-thirds of cases the killers were not even identified, and probably never will be, underlining the absence of full and proper investigations when a journalist or other news professional is killed. The figures, compiled by INSI between January 1996 and June 2006, show it is virtually risk free to kill a journalist." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"Iraq has proven to be a particularly hazardous posting for journalists. More media workers have been killed there than during the two-decades-long war in Vietnam. And 15 have died at the hands of American forces." (Introduction)
"This article analyses the ways in which socio-political opposition is expressed by looking into the morally loaded discourse of political legitimacy in Burkina Faso that emerged after the assassination of the journalist Norbert Zongo in December. Through the analysis of different political statemen
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ts, newspapers and various comments from the ‘ street’, it locates the struggle against impunity in a social and political undercurrent in Burkinabe society. In this context, notions of the public space are central, because the public space defines both the boundaries of public debate and the behaviour of key political actors. Two recurrent themes in Burkinabe political discourse, namely ideas of truth and courage, and the legitimacy of White people, illustrate the various ways in which socio-political opposition seeks to define the public space within which politics is to be practised and the behaviour to be observed by those acting there. But the struggle against impunity also takes place on a symbolic level at which key symbols are appropriated, interpreted and incorporated into political discourse." (Abstract)
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"This article identifies a trend in international law addressing the murders of journalists in Latin America. Recent cases by international human-rights tribunals are analyzed for their holdings that murders of journalists violate the free-expression guarantees of the American Convention on Human Ri
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ghts, the hemisphere's leading human rights treaty. These rulings required governments to investigate attacks on the press in good faith, punish journalists' assailants, indemnify journalists' survivors, and protect journalists working in war zones. This article concludes that this international case law, though developing slowly, offers a new weapon in the fight against vengeful and violent attacks on the press." (Abstract)
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"The document discusses the Inter American Press Association's (IAPA) project on unpunished crimes against journalists. Over the past decade, more than 200 journalists have been murdered for doing their jobs reporting the news. Many of these crimes remain unsolved, allowing impunity to prevail. The
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IAPA's project aims to draw attention to this problem and bring perpetrators to justice in order to discourage future crimes against journalists and protect freedom of the press. The document outlines some of the IAPA's investigations and efforts to engage other international organizations in supporting this cause." (Horacio Ruiz, https://www.slideshare.net)
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