"Die vorliegende Studie untersucht, welche Rolle Massenmedien in der politischen Transformation im Irak nach 2003 gespielt haben. Dabei diskutiert Anja Wollenberg zunächst, ob und in welcher Weise politischer Wettbewerb, Partizipation, Kritik und Kontrolle von irakischen Rundfunkmedien ermöglicht
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und mobilisiert wurden. Die Untersuchung von klassisch-demokratischen Kernfunktionen wird erweitert um die Frage nach den spezifischen Merkmalen von Öffentlichkeit im Kontext von fragiler Staatlichkeit. Das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Stabilisierung und Demokratisierung sowie die Überlagerung alter und neuer Verhaltensmuster in der journalistischen Praxis rücken damit in den Fokus der Untersuchung." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The survey discovers that the Albanian public, in its overwhelming majority, considers that the media has great importance for the democracy of a country. However, although they recognize the very important role of the media vis-à-vis democracy, about half of respondents say that Albanian media ha
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ve served democracy and public interest somewhat. The surveyed Albanian public also considers that media in Albania are partially free. This perception and evaluation are in line with Freedom House and other international institutions, which classify Albanian media as partially free. Respondents said that the three greatest problems for Albanian media are: 1. Bias, partisanship, and political clientelism; 2. dependence on business interests of media owners, and 3. verbal violence and physical threats toward journalists. The prevalence of such very serious problems for the functioning of the media and the fulfillment of its public mission explains the fact why Albanian media are partially free. On the other hand, the presence of such issues at the top of the list of problems demonstrates serious shortcomings and challenges with regard to aspects of their freedom and independence." (Summary)
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"Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstra
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tes how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation." (Publisher description)
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"The global effort to promote open and transparent government creates new opportunities to put media development on the political agenda of countries around the world. This report looks in particular at the structures of the Open Government Partnership (OGP), which in its 2016 Paris Declaration char
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acterized the media as a “crucial force for transparency and accountability.” In an era of democratic backsliding and declining public trust in institutions of all kinds, the need for pluralistic, independent, and high-quality news media has never been more important. Yet even the most democratically minded countries in the world are having trouble creating the laws, policies, and practices to ensure a healthy media system. Can the Open Government Partnership’s multi-stakeholder forums be used to stimulate solutions to some of the most intractable challenges facing independent media? This report maps the entry points for media reformers in the OGP process, and highlights a series of recommendations for how take advantage of these entry points, including by: Building country-level coalitions that can put media reform on the open government agenda; Investing in global agenda-building and peer-to-peer learning on the intersections between open government and media development; Aiming for long-term and strategic goals related to the OGP’s National Action Plans." (Key findings)
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"Following a summary of secondary and primary sources on the subject of film production in Burma, I will present an overview of the history of the Burmese film industry, from the British colonial period, to independence, to the years of the Burmese Socialist Program Party, and then the SLORC/SPDC ye
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ars of strict censorship. I will then turn to the 2000s, the advent of the Yangon Film School, and finally the blossoming of film festivals in the past decade. With the public presentation of films, which no longer require the same level of approval from the censor board as they did in years past, filmmakers have increasingly been able to openly discuss social issues in the country, though some circumstances will curtail that openness, and controversial topics can still be off-limits. Through recent interviews with contemporary filmmakers, this chapter will discuss the ways in which they see the relationship between film, documentary, and social change in Myanmar." (Page 288)
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"In chapter 2, the book lays down its foundations with a review of a large body of experimental psychology research on how and why individuals can preserve their beliefs, sometimes in the face of all evidence, logic, and argument to the contrary. The second part of the chapter shows that millions of
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people do the same in the real world outside the laboratories, whatever the media say [...] Chapter 3 considers political partisanship and party identification - that is, strong attachments to political ideas, values, and organizations. Experiments show that people are likely to engage in belief preservation where partisan opinions are concerned, and the same seems to be true of partisans in the outside world [...] Chapter 4 broadens the scope of inquiry to examine how non-partisanship and non-party political beliefs and values can influence the ways the majoritiy of individuals receive and process news reports and draw conclusions from them [...] The first eight chapters deal mainly with the micro, demand side of the equation - but there is also the macro, supply side of news media systems. Supply and demand are often analyzed separately, although understanding media effects requires examining the interaction between them [...] Chapter 9 compares commercial and public service broadcasting, showing that they have different effects on political knowledge, trust, participation, and democratic support. Chapter 10 turns to the classic theory of news media pluralism as a cornerstone of modern democracy [...] The research strategy of this book involves comparing and contrasting a large number of studies of media effects on political attitudes and behavior in order to compare and contrast the conclusions they reach. The book does not merely traingulate in order to reach reliabe conclusions, but it polyangulates, using many different studies written by sociologists, political scientists, psychologists, and economists who employ a variety of methods to investigate many possible media effects on politics. American and British research is used in the main, but single-country research on Russia, the Netherlands, Canada, France, Italy, Spain, Germany, and Belgium is included, as are comparative studies of European Union member states." (Chapter 1, page 2-5)
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"La historia del diario católico Presencia está íntimamente ligada a la historia de Bolivia, en una época de grandes turbulencias políticas. Nació en un tiempo nuevo, en pleno parto de la Revolución Nacional, y fue testigo de la lucha de los bolivianos por la conquista de la democracia de las
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décadas siguientes. Testigo y protagonista, porque siempre estuvo presente con su voz orientadora en la defensa de los valores democráticos y los derechos humanos, civiles y políticos [...] [El libro] no pretende ser una historia completa y definitiva de ese periódico, sino un esbozo que intenta rescatar del olvido los testimonios de la gente que hizo posible esa maravillosa experiencia. El libro recoge también la visión de los periodistas del convulso medio siglo del que fueron testigos privilegiados –la “historia de una diaria presencia”–, traducida en la cobertura de la época en que Bolivia vivió la “pasión, muerte y resurrección de la democracia”. Al mismo tiempo, quiere ser un homenaje a grandes maestros del periodismo, como Huáscar Cajías Kaufmann y Alberto Bailey Gutiérrez, que convirtieron una modesta redacción en la escuela de periodismo de la que carecía Bolivia, y que hicieron del culto a la verdad, la justicia, la solidaridad y el servicio a los demás, es decir de los grandes principios de la ética periodística, la mejor seña de identidad a la que puede aspirar un medio de comunicación." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This book investigates the role of media and communication in processes of democratization in different political and cultural contexts. Struggles for democratic change are periods of intense contest over the transformation of citizenship and the reconfiguration of political power. These democratiz
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ation conflicts are played out within an increasingly complex media ecology where traditional modes of communication merge with new digital networks, thus bringing about multiple platforms for journalists and political actors to promote and contest competing definitions of reality. The volume draws on extensive case study research in South Africa, Kenya, Egypt and Serbia to highlight the ambivalent role of the media as force for democratic change, citizen empowerment, and accountability, as well as driver of polarization, radicalization and manipulation." (Publisher description)
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"In this article, I argue that populism has a troubling relationship with democratic communication. As illustrated by contemporary Latin American cases, populism’s illiberalism is contrary to the existence of the communication commons—a public space characterized by diversity, tolerance, reason,
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and facts. It is grounded in a binary, agonistic view of politics; an understanding of “the people” as a unified subject; and espousal of post-truth politics. With its brand of divisive politics, populism is unfit to address central communicative challenges of contemporary multicultural democracies. Critical communication scholarship needs to engage both with the rise of populism as well as the challenges for progressive communication amid a toxic atmosphere of intolerance and the balkanization of the public sphere." (Abstract)
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"Amid civil war, failing states, and terrorism, Arab liberals are growing in numbers and influence. Advocating a culture of equity, tolerance, good governance, and the rule of law, they work through some of the region's largest media outlets to spread their ideals within the culture. Broadcasting Ch
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ange analyzes this trend by portraying the intersection of media and politics in two Arab countries with seismic impact on the region and beyond. Through TV talk shows, drama, and comedy, local liberals play off the government's anti-Islamist agenda to more thoughtfully advocate religious reform." (Back cover)
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"This book examines the role played by two popular private newspapers in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe, one case from colonial Rhodesia and the other from the post-colonial era. It argues that, operating under oppressive political regimes and in the dearth of credible opposition political p
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arties or as a platform for opposition political parties, the African Daily News, between 1956-1964, and the Daily News, between 1999-2003, played an essential role in opening up spaces for political freedom in the country. Both newspapers were ultimately shut down by the respective government of the time. The newspapers allowed reading publics the opportunity to participate in politics by providing a daily analytical alternative, to that offered by the government and the state media, in relation to the respective political crises that unfolded in each of these periods. The book further examines both the information policies pursued by the different governments and the way these affected the functioning of private media in their quest to provide an "ideal" public sphere. It explores issues of ownership, funding and editorial policies in reference to each case and how these affected the production of news and issue coverage. It considers issues of class and geography in shaping public response. It also focuses on state reactions to the activities of these newspapers and how these, in turn, affected the activities of private media actors. Finally, it considers the cases together to consider the meanings of the closing down of these newspapers during the two eras under discussion and contributes to the debates about print media vis-à-vis the new forms of media that have come to the fore." (Back cover)
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"Media in small emerging democracies face multiple obstacles caused by “smallness” and the state of “late democratization.” “Smallness” raises the question of how to develop financial independence in these countries. “Late democratization” gives rise to the challenge of maintaining p
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olitical independence. In general, small emerging democracies lack an environment that can enable a culture of independent media. This study selected two Eastern European countries–Slovenia and Macedonia, with a population of about 2 million each, and two Asian countries–Bhutan and Timor-Leste, with populations of around 740,000 and 1.2 million respectively. They all emerged in the “Third Wave” of democratization and were characterized by features of underdeveloped political institutions, insufficient public discourse, and financial vulnerability according to the previous scholarly work. Based on literature review, the researcher found that smallness, along with confounding factors of national identity and economic context, shapes the way media policy is envisioned and developed [...] Using a mixed methodology of interview and documentary research, the researcher found that the reaction of small emerging democracies to the sudden social and political changes tended to have patterns, although they differed in the paths to democratization. Furthermore, the role of media as a watchdog is undermined by the financial dependence on the government of the day. With respect to media governance, the four countries are all marked by the hierarchical mode of governing. This casts light on the fact that media policy should be constructed with input from private sectors and civil societies. A conceptual framework provided by this study can work as an analytical tool for researchers who are interested in studying similar-sized countries." (Abstract)
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"This report, which follows the Council of Europe’s list of “Indicators for Media in a Democracy”, intends to provide an analysis of the current media situation based on the standards upheld by this list. The aim of this report is to raise awareness on the status of affairs in the media scene
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for an array of actors, such as policymakers, government representatives, media professionals, professional associations, media experts, and civil society. The report is based on methodology that uses varied instruments and feedback from different relevant actors that affect legal, political, economic, and professional environment for media operation. Apart from collecting and classifying statistical data from publicly available sources, existing research, and surveys, the primary research consisted also in legal analysis conducted for the purpose of comparing Council of Europe standards to domestic legislation, carrying out of surveys with stakeholders, and in-depth interviews with key players in the media fi eld, judges, government representatives, parliament, and public institutions. Using a specially designed questionnaire, a survey was conducted on a sample of 110 editors-in-chief, media owners, and journalists of different media outlets across the country, including representatives from minorities. In-depth interviews were conducted with media owners, media managers, and editors of mainstream media outlets, as well as with other actors with direct input and knowledge on media scene, such as the Audiovisual Media Authority, public broadcaster RTSH, journalist trade union, professional associations, the Media Council, journalists from various media, etc." (Introduction, page 7-8)
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"Drawing on previous work on the role of the media in the democratization processes of the Lusophone African countries (Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe), this chapter addresses the challenges and paradoxes of conducting comparative research focused on cont
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exts where there are constraints to democratic development (although at different levels and gradation), and on which reliable information on key indicators is often missing. These are societies with different cultural expectations of democracy and political leadership, which do not fit neatly into most Western world conceptualizations. The research looked into the news media functions in democratization contexts and the role that different types of media, including new media technologies, have in creating and supporting the necessary conditions of democracy and in shaping the type of democracy that is actually being built. Finally, by examining the relation between media and politics and the dynamics of media, political, and social change, the research outlines the most important media uses and effects in these democratization contexts." (Introduction)
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"Analyzing the political consequences of the most extensive corruption investigation in recent Latin American history, Operação Lava-Jato, this book answers two central questions about the contradictory effects news media has on political systems. First, how can political actors in a seemingly wel
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l-functioning democracy quickly override checks and balances, and replace a head of state with a corrupt vice-president? Second, how can very active news media, while ostensibly performing the role of the watchdog, still fail to deliver media accountability to the public? Combining a quantitative view of the media sphere with case studies of the leaks, legal actions, and alliances forming and breaking in the Brazilian Congress, Mads Bjelke Damgaard demonstrates that the media’s attention to leaks and investigations of corruption paved the way for Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment. By timing the disclosure of information in scandals, actors with inside information were able to drive the media agenda and let some scandals escape from the limelight. The book delivers an in-depth study of how scandals become political weapons in a time of media personalities and post-politics." (Publisher description)
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"Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa and occasionally drawing comparisons with other regions of the world, this book critically addresses the development of the field focusing on the current opportunities and challenges within the African context. By using a wide variety of case studies that include Moza
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mbique, Zambia, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Ivory Coast and Nigeria, the collection gives space to previously understudied regions of sub-Saharan Africa and challenges the over-reliance of western scholarship on political communication on the continent." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the media reform processes and re-democratization projects of Ghana and Nigeria’s emerging democracies. It evaluates and critiques these reform processes, arguing that because of dependency approaches resulting from the transplanting of policy framework from the West into these
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emerging democracies, the policy goals and objectives of the reforms have not been achieved. Consequently, the inherent socio-cultural, economic and political factors, coupled with the historical antecedents of these countries, have also affected the reform process. Drawing from policy documents, analyses and interviews, Ufuoma Akpojivi argues that the lack of citizens’ active participation in policy processes has led to neo-liberalization and the continued universalization of Western ideologies such as democracy, media freedom and independence. Akpojivi posits that the recognition of socio-cultural, political and economic factors inherent to these emerging democracies, coupled with the communal participation of citizens, will facilitate true media reform processes and development of these countries." (Publisher description)
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"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang
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es from the political to entertainment and various artistic spheres. What role do market forces play in the process of media democratization, and how do state structures regulate, suppress, or use capitalism toward their own gain? What degree of informational pluralism has been achieved in the newly independent republics? What are the prospects for transparency and the participation of civil society in Russian and Eurasian media? To what degree do trends in post-Communist media reflect global trends? Is there a worldwide convergence with regard to both media formats and political messaging? Western observers usually pay their keenest attention to the role of media in Russia and Eurasia during national elections. While this is a valid focus, the present volume [...] aims at understanding the deeper overall ‘media philosophies’ that characterize post-Soviet media systems and environments, and the type of identity formation that they are promoting." (Publisher description)
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