"This book focuses on eight films by some of the nation's best-known directors, including Man of Ashes (1986), Bezness (1992), and Making Of (2006) by Nouri Bouzid, Halfaouine (1990) by Férid Boughedir, The Silences of the Palace (1994) by Moufida Tlatli, Essaïda (1997) by Mohamed Zran, Bedwin Hac
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ker (2002) by Nadia El Fani, and The TV Is Coming (2006) by Moncef Dhouib. It explores the political economy and social, historical, and psychoanalytic dimensions of these works and the strategies filmmakers deployed to preserve cinema's ability to shape debates about national identity. These debates, the book argues, not only helped initiate the 2011 uprising that ousted Ben Ali's regime but also did much to inform and articulate the aspirations of the Tunisian people in the new millennium." (Publisher description)
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"The current investigation utilizes data from 44 diverse countries (n = 57,847), collected as part of the World Values Survey, to broaden our understanding of trust in media. The aim is two-fold-to learn about individual-level correlates across contexts and to demonstrate that macro-level factors pl
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ay a part in shaping such trust. Our findings indicate that levels of political interest, interpersonal trust, and exposure to television news and newspapers are positively correlated with trust in media, while education and exposure to news on the Internet are negatively associated. On the macro level, postmaterialism emerged as a consistent predictor of trust in media. State ownership of the media industry did not have a main effect on trust in media after controlling for other factors. However, an interaction was found between state ownership and level of democracy: state ownership of television is positively associated with media trust in democratic societies and negatively associated with trust in media in nondemocratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The institutionalisation of democracy in Ghana (1992) and Nigeria (1999) after years of military regimes facilitated the need to reform old media structures that supported authoritarian regimes into institutions that would facilitate the democratic process. The media reform initiatives embarked upo
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n by both countries liberalised the media environment to create a free and independent media that would support the transition process by offering a platform for public debate, aimed at enhancing political participation. Using policy analysis and elite interviews, this article examines the reforms in both countries, and the extent to which Western countries/ donors impacted on their policy formulation and implementation processes. The author argues that these countries’ historical, political and socio-cultural antecedents have affected the praxes of their media reforms, and as a result their objectives have not been fully realised." (Abstract)
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"Press freedom is a key component of the general level of democracy in a country. Most often, changes in the state of media freedom have happened in tandem with changes in broader freedoms, therefore making it a sensitive indicator of the overall health of a democracy. In some cases, its deteriorati
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on might even warn us about bigger forces at work and point to an emerging or consolidating regime that is moving in the direction of restricting both political rights and civil liberties. Overall data on the global trends in the past five years–as shown in the global average overall and subcategory scores in the Freedom in the World report–reinforces this assertion." (Conclusion)
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"This article looks critically at the systems approaches in comparative media studies when applied to studying the relationship between media and politics in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). It introduces a concept of methodological systematization consisting of four different components: (1) the r
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elationship between a political and a media system (methodological politicization); (2) the relationship between democracy and a media system (methodological democratization); (3) the relationship between a nation-state and a media system (methodological nationalism); and (4) the relationship between culture and a media system (methodological structuralism). The article concludes that these system approaches should not be taken as a naturalized starting point for comparative research when studying media and politics in CEE." (Abstract)
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"Während sich die politischen Systeme Lateinamerikas seit den 1980er Jahren demokratisierten, nahm die Konzentration von Besitz und Macht im Mediensektor eher noch zu. Dieser Widerspruch schafft Spannungen, die sowohl gesellschaftliche Reformforderungen als auch staatliche Initiativen zur Neugestal
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tung des Rechtsrahmens für die Medien zur Folge haben. Traditionelle Eliten und neue Großkonzerne prägen bis heute die lateinamerikanische Medienlandschaft. Reforminitiativen aus der Zivilgesellschaft und von einer Reihe von Regierungen weisen auf die zentrale Rolle der Medien für den politischen Willensbildungsprozess hin und fordern ihre Anpassung an die Erfordernisse der Demokratie. In Argentinien, Bolivien, Ecuador, Uruguay und Venezuela setzten die Regierungen neue Mediengesetze durch. Die hiermit verbundenen Konflikte unterscheiden sich entsprechend der jeweils gegebenen Konstellation in Politik und Medien. Trotz der wachsenden Bedeutung neuer Medien und Informationstechnologien dominieren die traditionellen Medien, vor allem das Fernsehen, nach wie vor die öffentliche Meinungsbildung. Nicht das Internet, sondern die „alten“ Massenmedien stehen im Zentrum der politischen Auseinandersetzungen." (Seite 1)
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"In this paper I investigate how community radio is conceptualized within and outside of the development frame, as a solution to development problems, as part of development projects communication strategy, and as a tool for increasing democratic political participation in development projects. I wa
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nt to show that community radio is an essential tool of democratization and democracy outside of the development frame. To do so, I will bring out the conceptual and structural dimensions of community radio through examples of existing community radios, both those which are independently created and those which have been created as development projects. These structural and conceptual elements provide community radio the potential to realize the goals of development practice while avoiding characteristic pitfalls. These ‘pitfalls’ of development are also pitfalls of democratization and democracy in existing democratic states, and include: depoliticization, limited participation, particularly of marginalized groups." (Abstract)
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"As founder of Internews, a leading non-profit organization dedicated to information access and independent media, David Hoffman has had a backstage pass to many of the seminal world political upheavals in recent years. In these pages we see how media have been used for good and bad—to trigger gen
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ocide, but also to effectively prevent conflict, facilitate free elections, expose corruption, promote nation-building, provide critical information amid natural disasters, and bring about massive social change such as free education and women’s rights. With the rise of digital technology, the power of media to intervene in global affairs is in the hands of everyone—including you. This book examines media’s historic impact and offers a roadmap to the future." (http://citizensrisingbook.com/book)
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"Quel que soit le pays ou le continent considéré, une interdépendance étroite existe aujourd’hui entre démocratie, liberté des médias et régulation de la communication. Une place cruciale revient en effet aux organes de régulation dans la procédure d’allocation de fréquences d’émis
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sions, dans la promotion de la diversité culturelle des contenus médiatiques, dans l’équitable accès aux ondes des courants politiques et de pensée, ou encore dans l’émergence de véritables médias de service public. Les organes de régulation des médias se sont partout ou presque imposés comme partie intégrante de l’appareillage institutionnel démocratique. En Afrique subsaharienne, les premières instances de régulation des médias ont été créées dans le sillage de la démocratisation, au tournant des années 1980/1990. Le rejet du système des partis uniques et la revendication des libertés civiles et politiques se traduisent notamment alors, dans le domaine de l’information et de la communication, par l’avènement de régulateurs dont la vocation est de couper le cordon ombilical entre pouvoir politique et médias. Le bouillonnement médiaticopolitique né de l’essor sans précédent de nouveaux supports écrits et audiovisuels privés, a, de par sa vigueur et, il faut bien le reconnaître aussi, ses excès, nécessité l’organisation de ces nouvelles libertés d’expression et de communication. Ce besoin d’arbitrage, justifié au nom de l’intérêt supérieur du public et de son droit à une information de qualité, a débouché sur la création d’instances de régulation des médias écrits et/ou audiovisuels. A l’heure où la légitimité de ces nouveaux acteurs indépendants semble globalement acquise, de nouveaux dangers les attendent pourtant : sauront-ils, par exemple, relever les défis que leur posent les nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication - notamment Internet – et parviendront-ils à gérer collectivement, en bonne intelligence et complémentarité, les images télévisuelles se déversant sur les Etats africains, en s’affranchissant de toute considération de frontières ?" (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Las mujeres periodistas somos protagonistas de la historia, defendimos la democracia durante las dictaduras, nos apresaron, torturaron y exiliaron. Mantenemos una posición crítica y de convicción en los principios de libertad, equidad y justicia. Llave para la memoria es una investigación restr
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ospectiva con el aporte testimonial de 28 destacadas periodistas, quienes transmitieron sus experiencias profesionales a través de relatos vivenciales que muestran los acontecimientos noticiosos que marcaron la historia de la democracia en el país." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The review starts by elucidating the potential role of the media as a democratising agent. We then explore the relationship between media reform and institutional change during democratisation periods, and move to review the literature on the contribution of media to institution building and due pe
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rformance in Central and Eastern Europe. We continue the discussion on the effectiveness of media for democratisation by assessing the relationship between political accountability and the accountability function of ‘watchdog journalism’ in Latin America. This is followed by a review of major works that look at the media as an instigator to or determinant of changes in individuals’ political attitudes or behaviour during periods of democratisation. Later, we discuss in detail the relationship between the media and change for democracy in the most recent region of interest in terms of potential democratisation, the Arab world, and finally, we assess the media’s revolutionary roles in regime changes with particular focus on the rising debate about the connection between social media and the Arab Spring." (Executive summary)
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"The article aims to provide a more historically grounded approach to the relationship between communication and participation, by distinguishing different waves of media democratization. The article first discusses the concept of participation and some of its complexities, and then sketches a serie
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s of intense moments of participation in and through the media in (mainly the second half) the 20th and the 21st century. At the same time, care is taken not to organize a linear-historical narrative, keeping in mind that the history of the democratization of Western societies and their media spheres is characterized by a series of continuities and discontinuities, dead ends and sedimented practices. Despite these ever-present fluctuations, the article argues that we can still see that structures, cultural resources and subjective dispositions have over time been geared more towards participation and equality, also within the media sphere." (Abstract)
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"The objective of this work is approaching the political crisis occurred in Côte d´Ivoire after the contested elections of 2010, through the perspective of the Ivorian media and media professionals. This study draws theoretically on the media political economy and critical understanding of the rel
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ationship between democracy and the media. After a brief description of Côte d´Ivoire political history, as well as its media political economy, perceptions from foreign correspondents and Ivoirian journalist were gathered. Conclusions show the sheer complexity of the role played by the media, which goes beyond its information provider responsibility to turn into platforms for the political struggle in a highly political polarized environment. At the same time, it is demonstrated how foreign perceptions of Ivorian media performance are built against ideal representations of media that often fail to grasp particular contexts." (Abstract)
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"This paper focuses attention on randomised field experiments in the developing world that explicitly address the use of media to achieve democracy and governance (DG) outcomes [...] The first section describes the growth of DG assistance and the increasing interest in DG field experiments. The seco
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nd section describes the domain of media assistance targeted at DG outcomes. The third provides an overview of current experimental and quasi-experimental studies on the intersection between media, democracy and governance. The fourth and fifth sections describe some of the challenges to successfully employing field experiments to inform media assistance programmes. The final section concludes by arguing for the benefits of practitioner-academic collaborations that provide experimental evidence about the influences on as well as the effects of media content related to democracy and governance." (Page 4)
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