"Entre todos los tipos de problemas a los que se enfrentaron los trabajadores de protección de la niñez y adolescencia, el 18% de sus casos totales indicaron alguna forma de abuso y explotación sexual de niñas, niños y adolescentes en línea. Esto significa que uno de cada cinco niñas, niños
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y adolescentes que recibía asistencia tenía este problema. Se debe tener en cuenta que se trata de una muestra de conveniencia, por consiguiente, las organizaciones que apoyan las problemáticas que se generan del abuso de niñas, niños y adolescentes, fueron seleccionadas para participar en la encuesta. No obstante, se tiene un fuerte indicio de la magnitud de la preocupación que tienen los trabajadores de primera línea [...] Se identificó que las niñas o adolescentes son sometidas más frecuentemente al abuso y la explotación sexual en línea, ya que alrededor del 54% de los trabajadores dijeron que las formas de abuso y explotación sexual de niñas, niños y adolescentes en línea surgían en “más de la mitad” de sus casos con niñas o mujeres jóvenes." (Principales hallazgos, página 9)
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"For most of its modern history, the news media in Ethiopia have been a tool for government control. But 2018 brought a wave of optimism to Africa’s second most populous nation. Anti-government protests forced the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to undertake majo
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r reforms to its authoritarian rule in an effort to stave off mass violence and the potential collapse of the central government. The incumbent prime minister, Hai lemariam Desalegn, was forced to resign. In his place, the EPRDF nominated Abiy Ahmed, a young and charismatic reformer from the long-marginalized Oromiya region. Overnight, protestors lifted roadblocks and popular discontent transformed into euphoria and hope for a better future. This set the stage for one of the most remarkable attempts at media reform in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. The Abiy government freed journalists from prison; deregulated the sector, enabling the establishment of dozens of new media houses; and put into motion a media reform process that brought government and civil society together in a shared vision for change. However, these early successes have faltered. Quick deregulation without strong enabling institutions and laws created a surge of media outlets and journalism associations that fueled polarization and conflict along ethnic fault lines." (Page 1)
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"En algunos de los países, en mayor medida España y los EE.UU. Hispanos, la ficción ocupa de un modo consistente al menos el 40% de los tiempos de programación. Esto, en países que por niveles de ingreso deberían ser los con un mayor grado de acceso a otras fuentes de contenidos audiovisuales
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de ficción, como la televisión de pago o las plataformas de streaming. En contraste a estos casos, se observa a Argentina, Brasil y México, donde la ficción apenas supera el 15% en los años de mayor participación y se acerca al 10% en otros. Paradojalmente, tanto Brasil como México son países productores y exportadores de ficción al resto de la región. A medio camino entre ambos extremos se observa a Chile, Colombia, Perú, Portugal, Uruguay y Venezuela, en los años en que ha sido posible observar su comportamiento. Siendo la televisión abierta un sistema de contenidos estructurados en horarios asociados a las rutinas del hogar, cabe preguntarse por diferencias de roles y usos de la televisión por parte de las audiencias o la eventual sustitución de estos roles por medios o géneros alternativos. El segundo plano es de tendencia. Salvo por el caso de España, la tendencia general pareciera ser hacia una disminución de la participación de la ficción en la programación. Y, aunque los Top 10 de títulos de ficción más vistos ofrecen una mirada muy parcial del conjunto, en ellos también se observa una disminución en el tiempo de los niveles de audiencia alcanzados." (Página 24-25)
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"This fourth Fairwork report for South Africa continues to chart the evolution of the national platform economy. In South Africa, digital labour platforms hold the potential to reduce the extremely high levels of unemployment and inequality. However, the annual South African Fairwork ratings also p
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rovide evidence that platform workers, as in so many countries worldwide, continue to face unfair work conditions and lack the benefits and protections afforded to employees." (Executive Summary)
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"This report focuses on Beijing's efforts to control domestic reporting by resident foreign journalists. It is based on interviews conducted by the IFJ in December 2021 with 19 current or recent correspondents from nine countries, who work across print and broadcast and whose experience in China ran
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ges from a couple of years to several decades. It also draws from Locked Down or Kicked Out, the Foreign Correspondents Club of China's 2021 Media Freedoms Report, and earlier FCCC annual reports based on surveys of the club's roughly 190 members. The research finds that China uses a wide range of coercive methods to control foreign journalistsf reporting. These include: outright expulsions, plus threats that make journalists feel compelled to leave; denials and delays in the granting of visas so that journalists are unable to start work on schedule or must live from one short-term visa to another, unsure if they will be there the following month; lighter scrutiny of journalists from nations viewed as 'friendly' or 'unimportant', although Beijing's attitude fluctuates according to political relations between China and the home country; lawsuits alleging breaches of reporting protocols, such as identifying oneself as a journalist, which carry the risk of being refused an exit visa until the case is resolved [...]" (Executive summary)
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"This report explores the social media habits of Iranian netizens and how the Islamic Republic is repressing the online space." (Publisher description)
"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the current media in Ukraine, including the historical background to the media, media trends and freedoms, languages in the different media, media access and barriers for different groups in the community, audiences and their preferences. It conside
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rs why people use the different types of media and what content they consume. The guide looks at the impact of fake news and misinformation and the role of the media in addressing these. It also considers the role the media is playing in facilitating two-way communication in Ukraine. Finally, it gives an overview of each media sector, including digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Colombia, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in development w
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ork, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Pakistan, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in development w
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ork, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Morocco, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in development wo
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rk, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Burkina Faso, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in developme
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nt work, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Malawi, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in development wor
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k, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"The media situation in Belarus has never been easy. With Aliaksandr Lukashenka being elected president of the country for the first time in 1994, the necessary reforms to provide media freedom have never materialised. Instead, over the years various laws have lessened the rights of independent jour
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nalists and imposed limits on both traditional and electronic media. Following the August 2020 presidential election, which ignited a brutal crackdown against the democratic opposition, the situation has worsened. Harassment, a hijacking, and politically motivated jail terms, both short and long, intimidate Belarusians who want to exchange ideas, report wrongdoing or fight for freedom of expression and freedom for the country. In January 2022, the Belarusian Association of Journalists confirmed the presence of at least 32 journalists in Belarusian jails. On the positive side, new electronic media cannot be banned effectively and absolutely. While the regime slowly expands its presence on the internet, Belarusians trust independent media more and use it more eagerly. However, society’s distancing of itself from traditional state-controlled media is increasingly met with an angry reaction from the state apparatus, which in turn further tightens related laws. The European Union, and the European Parliament in particular, actively support independent media and civil society in Belarus, and the Council of the EU and the Parliament both address the challenges to media freedom in the country. Financial help is also provided to Belarus and was even increased at the end of 2021, with priority areas of support including ‘systematically repressed’ independent media." (Summary)
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"This report was commissioned to examine the situation of media capture in Bulgaria. It is part of a series of reports produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) looking into this phenomenon in Central Europe." (Page 4)
"With people living longer all over the world, ageing has been framed as a socio-economic problem. In Brazil, older people are expected to remain healthy and autonomous while actively participating in society. Based on ethnographic research in São Paulo, Ageing with Smartphones in Urban Brazil show
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s how older people in a middle-class neighbourhood conciliate these expectations with the freedom and pleasures reserved for the Third Age. Work is what bonds this community together, providing a sense of dignity and citizenship." (Publisher description).
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"India’s “techade” does show signs of digital authoritarianism that can potentially have farreaching implications for politics, civil liberties and society. At the same time, these are not new challenges for the country. In the past, the Indian government has attempted to surveil, monitor, and
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censor citizens. Here, state power is like water that will fall through any cracks and holes in the system. The system will either flourish or get contaminated based on the nature of the water. This report shows how COVID-19, protests, and major political incidents provide a ripe avenue for expanding state power. The larger socio-political context, one filled with concerns about a decline in democratic values, secularism, and civil liberties, will determine the extent of harm, who gets harmed, and the ability to respond. India’s lack of solid legal frameworks governing key technologies allows authorities to further exert power. As seen in the case of Aadhaar, facial recognition systems, and Aarogya Setu, legislative backing is an afterthought. However, by then, significant damage is already done. Any adverse impact on digital and civil rights will be felt most by vulnerable groups and those critical of the government. Besides the lack of legal structures, as seen through the report, the law is also used to expand state power. Further, as analysed in this report, private players supplying surveillance technologies, and social media giants enable digital authoritarianism in the country." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"The internet gained centrality as a space of public opinion and political activity that became important for the Russian state to co-opt and control as part of the broader push for control of political elites and public perceptions as Putin and his ruling party pushed to eliminate any functioning o
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pposition and cement their power. Finally, the internet gained importance as a geopolitical strategic object, given its centrality to conflicts, cyberwarfare and foreign policy operations. In the current and ongoing stage, the internet is now also an important object of critical technological infrastructure that is now also being co-opted into full state control as part of the national security and sovereignty agenda. The past decade since 2012 has seen a gradual takeover by the state of key industry players such as VK and Yandex, a crackdown on political and media elites and ordinary users, and the introduction of a swathe of new regulations, all aimed at consolidating state control over an area of importance for the national security and sovereignty agenda. Today, digital authoritarianism is an integral part of Russia’s state survival strategy and is likely to remain as such for the foreseeable future, given Russia’s current international isolation and its fraught and increasingly hostile standoff with the democratic global community." (Analysis and conclusion, page 25)
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"Since its ascent to power twenty years ago, the ruling AKP has tightened the screws on all forms of freedom of expression, both online and offline. It has introduced draconian laws, imposed internet restrictions, blocked content, and has arrested and intimidated critics on an unprecedented level. I
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n its toolbox are all three generations of information controls. The purges that took place in the aftermath of the failed military coup in 2016 have left the country in a state of continuous decline with thousands of civil servants jailed on bogus terrorism charges, media outlets shut, and an ongoing blocking of websites and targeting of social media platforms. The AKP continues to rely on the controversial Internet Bill, the Anti-terrorism Law, decreelaws, and an army of trolls, targeting critics and dissent online. The controversial app introduced by the National Police to snitch on social media accounts critical of the ruling party and its affiliates is yet another tool in the hands of the state to intimidate users and get in the way of freedom of speech online." (Analysis and conclusion, page 20)
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"There is a clear digital divide in Sudan as the number of internet users is a very low part of the population. Despite the high contribution of the telecommunication field to the GDP, the Sudanese authorities are not using this contribution to enhance and develop the ICT field to fill the gap of di
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gital illiteracy. Instead, they use taxpayer money to buy expensive equipment for censorship, without publishing these deals. Restricting the freedom of expression and using the state’s violence to repress fundamental rights and civil liberties are rooting the image of the authoritarian state in the minds of the citizens which may lead to a state of lack of rights awareness. Using and amending laws to protect the government interests indicates that the government will enact other laws to restrict the digital space in order to make access to information increasingly difficult. Government access to ICT infrastructure in Sudan will suppress net neutrality during political crises, affecting people economically and socially, specifically in relation to education and small businesses. Sudan has low transparency, frequently violates physical privacy, uses unlawful communication shutdowns, an idle access to information act, no freedom of expression, vague laws, and online surveillance, making it easy to say that digital authoritarianism is rooted in Sudan. Digital authoritarianism affects opportunities for foreign investment, stability of life, and social security." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"Under the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil, Latin America's largest democracy, has seen unprecedented increases in threats to citizens’ fundamental rights. Digital rights have not been an exception. Technoauthoritarianism in Brazil must be viewed as a multifaceted development and one that is
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not undertaken by the federal administration alone. Across the country, states are making unlawful use of civilian data for surveillance purposes and adopting facial recognition technologies, a worrying event in a country that has a history of discriminatory policing where over half of the population is Black. From inside the presidential palace and around Brazil, Bolsonaro and right-wing allies are using social media tools to advance personal interests by sponsoring disinformation campaigns and enabling targeted attacks against opponents and journalists. When targeted by social media moderation, the president tried to overturn the way platforms operate in Brazil with a provisional measure — a largely opaque, authoritarian and unilateral tool. As if the scenario weren't concerning enough for digital rights, journalists around the country are facing a tidal wave of attacks, harassment and smear campaigns, many of which are perpetrated by elected authorities. These attacks have a clear gendered aspect to them, as women journalists are not only targeted more frequently, but more violently." (https://advox.globalvoices.org)
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