"The government of Zimbabwe and the ruling ZANU PF party are bent on ensuring that the status quo is preserved at all costs. As evidenced by findings in the Civic Media Observatory, the digital sphere has been identified as a threat to the country’s national security, insofar as deposing the curre
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nt political junta from power is concerned. The Arab Spring, which led to the deposing of leaders in the MENA region through social-media-organised protests certainly placed a lot of African governments on high alert about the potential transformative power of digital space. This has led to more governments, including that of Zimbabwe, enacting digitally repressive legislation aimed at curbing any form of political mobilisation on social media. Zimbabwe’s engagement with Russia, China, Iran and Israel for the acquisition of invasive spyware and biometric technology for mass surveillance purposes is premised on the ruling party’s overarching desire to control the population and retain political power. The fact that almost all deals are shrouded in a dark veil of secrecy bodes badly for civil society, human rights defenders, independent journalists, and opposition party members as the ends to which such technology will be applied are not publicised. The identification and tracking of journalists who expose corruption within government circles and their subsequent detention implies that digital technologies are being used as part of what Dragu and Lapu term preventive repression." (Analysis and conclusion, page 25)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"El análisis de la información disponible sobre ocho indicadores de concentración en Internet en Uruguay muestra que en casi todas ellas unas pocas empresas tienen una posición dominante en el mercado o servicio relevado." (Conclusiones, página 16)
"In the past few years, many countries across the continent have enacted various laws that permit surveillance, mandate telecommunication intermediaries to facilitate the interception of communication, stipulate the mandatory collection of biometric data, limit the use of encryption, require the loc
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alisation of personal data, and grant law enforcement agents broad search and seizure powers. This report therefore maps and analyses the laws and policies that impact on privacy, notably those that regulate surveillance, limitations on encryption, data localisation, and biometric databases. This analysis could inform remedial and mitigatory steps to protect the right to privacy, which may include strategic litigation and advocacy for legislative and policy reforms. Moreover, the results of this analysis are also crucial for monitoring developments and trends on privacy regulation and practice in the region." (Introduction, page 5-6)
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"Informe sobre los principales indicadores de la radio y televisión en el Perú. Datos del número de estaciones, número de titulares, estaciones según finalidad, titulares de televisión y radio estatales, y situación de los Códigos de Ética de las estaciones de televisión y radio, proporcio
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nada por la Dirección General de Autorizaciones en Telecomunicaciones del Ministerio de Transportes y Comunicaciones (MTC). Datos sobre las estaciones de Televisión Digital Terrestre (TDT), de acuerdo a la información enviada por radiodifusores y monitoreos de la Dirección General de Fiscalización y Sanciones en Comunicaciones del MTC." (Página 2)
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"El estudio presentado contiene la caracterización del sector de radiodifusión sonora en el país, incluyendo una descripción de la cadena de valor y de la interacción de los agentes que hacen parte de esta. Así mismo, el estudio presenta la identificación de manera preliminar de un conjunto d
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e potenciales iniciativas regulatorias estructuradas en cuatro ejes: acceso al mercado y regulación; audiencia y producción de contenidos; modelos de negocio y nuevas plataformas." (https://www.crcom.gov.co)
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"This research was conducted to assess the digital security posture among independent media organizations in Lebanon. It is significant for media organizations in Lebanon to maintain a good standard of digital security, especially in an era when press freedom is increasingly under attack." (Introduc
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tion and Methodology, 5)
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"All the AMBs consistently demonstrate that African countries provide for at least freedom of expression, although a number also specify freedom of the press in their national constitutions. Most have ratified international instruments which provide for and seek to enhance fundamental freedoms. Howe
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ver, the AMBs also show that this promising picture is tainted by the inclusion of significant pullback conditions in the same national constitutions, and the enactment and retention of restrictive laws on the statute books. Furthermore, the AMBs indicate that several African countries, such as Namibia, have been slow to enact laws promoting access to information, especially information held by state functionaries. The AMBs show that African media are generally plural but less diverse in content, and primarily patriarchal in their coverage of women. Although print media is expansive in most African countries, circulation figures are dropping, and the cost of newspapers and magazines limits accessibility. Most countries have a significant number of broadcasting services (in particular radio, which remains the cheapest and most accessible medium on the continent) across the three tiers of state/public media, commercial media and community media. However, it is also noted that both print and broadcast media face sustainability challenges due to falling advertising revenues and limited state support for the media, which threatens to constrict the communicative space and the range of issues and social groups covered. In addition, the AMBs show limited desire by most African governments to provide guarantees, in law, for editorial independence in the state/public media." (Conclusion, page 49)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in the Palestinian territories. It includes information on audiences, content producers and languages associated with the media and examines the communications culture and preferences of different groups in the community. The guide gives a
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n insight into the role of media in crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. It also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other forms of mass communication. The guide aims to help improve communications and inform the work of Palestinian media organisations, humanitarian actors and United Nations (UN) agencies and their community engagement working groups, especially in preparation for impending disasters and during the response phase. It can also assist in the planning and implementation of development work with media." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This Media Landscape Guide was produced in January 2022. It provides a snapshot of the media at this time in Belarus. It provides an analysis of the recent shocks to the media landscape and an overview of the different types of media and information sources available for Belarusians: digital media
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platforms, social media and messaging platforms, television, radio, and print. It covers the main and most popular media outlets." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Afghanistan, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in developmen
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t work, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing1) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Journalists and independent press are tried and prosecuted with harsh charges that reach up to 20 years of imprisonment under the Penal Code, rather than the Press Code of 2016, which abolished imprisonment for criticising the monarch. The government closely monitors and controls media content thro
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ugh subsidies (fisking), advertising allocation, and rigorous regulation and licensing procedures. Opposition journalists have been jailed on dubious allegations, and been subjected to systematic slander and smear campaigns on social media platforms by pro-monarch media outlets that are largely dominated by the regime or echo the Moroccan authorities’ official line. These campaigns have largely centred on tarnishing the reputation and image of activists, reducing solidarity with their cause, and undermining their credibility in Moroccan society, resulting in self-censorship. In this stifling and threatening atmosphere, several journalists have opted for self-exile. Authorities regularly promise new reforms and democratic developments, yet they respond to protests with crackdowns, including by restricting access to information and critical tools, imposing internet shutdowns and throttling bandwidth during popular demonstrations which was the case for Hirak Al Rif movement." (Executive summary)
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"According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), half of the media in the country is owned by the government or affiliated with the intelligence services. The rest are owned by pro-government businessmen. The few independent press websites that are still open have been blocked. Their owners and editor
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s were arrested and then released shortly after, as happened to Mada Masr and Al-Manassa. More than 500 websites have been blocked in Egypt, and more than 100 journalists have been arrested since 2014. The adoption of new regulations like the anti-terrorism law and cyber crime law and the creation of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation suppressed the freedom of expression and shut down the way to a free press. These new laws and regulations have affected the work of journalists who are at risk of charges such as belonging to a terrorist group or spreading false news. To the international community, Egypt denies imprisoning journalists for their work, which is true to some extent because Egyptian security is trying and imprisoning journalists on charges such as belonging to terrorist groups, without directly linking it to their journalistic work. The Airtable analysis undertaken in this project attempts to reflect the situation around monitoring technology through online content over the past few years. We can see a repeated goal of restricting the freedom of online spaces and banning any narrative parallel to the official one. This can be seen in the Attorney General's orders to establish a unit to monitor and monitor social media platforms and activities, contrary to constitutional articles that protect people's privacy and their right to freedom of expression." (https://advox.globalvoices.org)
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"Tanzania has exercised authority on digital avenues in three main vital ways:
• Surveillance: Data governance in Tanzania has been one area that has had fewer restrictions as there are still laws that adequately speak to things such as data protection and privacy. However, laws such as the Cyberc
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rime Act provide government agencies with leeway to access certain things when it suits them.
• Internet censorship: Tanzania’s first internet shutdown happened in 2020 and did not come as a surprise, as the country had already shown red flags in terms of internet censorship. The control and regulation of who and what content is allowed online have prompted many to believe that Tanzania is on the verge of building a replica of China’s Great Firewall that will keep the space regulated and stirred by the government’s agenda.
• Legislating restrictions: This is used to constrain freedom of expression and curb speech. Press freedom has been stifled through laws, citizen journalism has been taxed, and free speech has been tagged as sedition or misinformation. It is clearing the path for the government to have the upper hand in controlling narratives and polarising opinions." (Executive summary)
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"Nowhere is the effort to control the flow of digital information more extensive and sustained than it is in China. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses a wide range of tools and strategies to achieve two related, but distinct, goals of digital information control: to shape public knowledge and to
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“guide” the public in the aftermath of sudden, unexpected events. Controlling social media is especially relevant to the second goal, and the CCP uses strategies of content removal (censorship) and content generation (propaganda) to pursue this aim. Recent studies of the Chinese internet and social media show that the CCP has adapted quickly to new digital communication technologies, though it is in sometimes unexpected ways, and CCP control of Chinese social media is integral to its efforts to shape public beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors." (Abstract)
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"The research data reveal that Sudan at the time had at least 10 media-related laws in place that do not meet international standards. At the same time, the country had the benefit of an infrastructure of 30 institutions offering media education and training. Sudan has an opportunity to restructure
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its media system to align with international standards on freedom of expression and the press, the safety of journalists, as well as pluralism. To support this, the current report has formulated recommendations for stakeholders’ consideration. These possibilities for reform cover independent media regulation, the promotion of media pluralism and the improvement of the economic playing field." (Short summary)
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"Malawi has seen an exponential growth of its media, both in quality and quantity. For example, there were only two broadcasting stations at the start of the 1990s, while Malawi has increased this over the years to 57 radio stations and 14 television broadcasters. Although the plurality of Malawi’
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s media greatly increased, the functioning of the media has still been affected by arrests of media practitioners, outdated laws and other constraints. This report offers an extensive overview of the status of the media in Malawi, based on an assessment of the UNESCO Media Development Indicators (MDIs). It analyses the legal and regulatory framework, the plurality of the media, safety of journalists and other relevant media development indicators, while at same time providing relevant recommendations for all stakeholders involved. The recommendations cover a large number of issues, some notable ones focused on: the conception of self-regulatory systems; the safeguarding of journalists; the introduction of a code for the regulation of advertisement practices; the reform of outdated laws relating to media practitioners." (Short summary)
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"Although some planned reforms announced since 2017 concerning the rights to freedom of expression and others are yet to be finalized, the report finds that the media environment has improved considerably since the new government came into power. In the context of a rising internet penetration rate,
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reportedly from 17% in 2015 to 51% in 2022, direct censorship of the internet has ceased and online information is better accessible. Journalists generally rate their current situation as relatively safe. Public trust in the media has generally improved since the new democratic dispensation. Although there is a slow pace of legal reform, there is however cautious optimism about government’s commitment to repeal laws inherited from the previous regime." (Short summary)
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"1. Government should implement the Access to Information Act 2016 speedily and fully. This would help realize the Right of Access to Information and promote a culture of transparency, openness and accountability among public officials.
2. The Information and Communications Act should be revised to
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ensure that the Communications Authority is truly independent from government, following the guidelines set out by Principle 17 of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa.
3. The Books and Newspapers Act of 1960 should be revised and registration of publications should be allowed for administrative purposes only.
4. The regulation issued by the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB) for licences to be required for anyone uploading videos on social media should not be approved.
5. The Information and Communications (Amendment) Bill, which provides for the obligation to license social media platforms and blogs and heavy fines for offenders, should be withdrawn.
6. Measures to prevent concentration within and between different media sectors should be strengthened, and transparency of ownership should be ensured in media legislation.
7. The government should provide a conducive atmosphere in which community radio can thrive. Donor organizations and government both at national and county level should work together to establish a support fund for community radio." (Key recommendations, page 15)
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"On the surface, Namibia’s stellar reputation as the beacon of media freedom remains intact, but the role of the Fourth Estate in speaking truth to power is gradually being eroded as state officials become increasingly intolerant of the media in Namibia. The perceptible decline in the media landsc
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ape is evidenced by the intimidatory tactics the state has been using to discourage journalists from reporting on certain issues [...] Namibia’s legal and policy framework offers strong protection for freedom of expression and media freedom through Article 21 of the constitution. This is further bolstered by Article 144 of the constitution on international law, which automatically incorporates regional and international protocols, agreements and treaties signed and ratified by the Namibian government into the domestic legal system. However, commitment to the notions contained in these regional and international protocols and conventions seems to be solely on paper ..." (Summary, page 5)
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