"The current legislation should include a direct expression of hate speech and expand the scope of hate speech in terms of person and subject as much as possible. The anti-discrimination state bodies should focus on protecting the human rights of the most vulnerable groups, broadening legal protecti
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on and eliminating the hierarchy between discrimination grounds. The Government should adopt codes of conduct prohibiting hate speech and the authorities should encourage political parties to do likewise. The parliament should change the procedure in the laws regarding the participation of NGO monitoring and countering the hate speech and disinformation in media in the proceedings to support the victims of hate speech and disinformation as Turkish law does not recognise the standing of NGOs to bring claims in support of victims of discrimination. In order to distinguish which institutions or individuals benefit from impunity for hate speech, a monitoring mechanism should be established to render the judiciary’s different interpretations of the boundaries between hate speech and freedom of expression visible." (Policy reommendations)
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"Through a combination of qualitative in-depth interviews with alternative media outlets, quantitative audience surveys involving over 1500 respondents, and focus-group discussions with women and youth civil society actors, this media and information landscape (MILA) evaluates the level of trust tow
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ards different information sources and explores the information flow, dynamics, gaps, and needs experienced by vulnerable groups in marginalized areas. The findings detail gaps between alternative media outlets’ objectives and its organizational structure or capacity needed to achieve its vision, legal and regulatory constraints that limit the accurate sharing of information with audiences, and the detrimental impact of Lebanon’s economic hardships on media financing. The report thus analyzes the information needs of women and youth in marginalized areas, explores linkages between alternative media outlets and civil society actors, and offers recommendations to strengthen media outlet’s capacity to delivery quality news and scale up their reach." (Publisher description)
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"The agenda for transition after the demise of communism in the Western Balkans made the conversion of state radio and television into public service broadcasters a priority, converting mouthpieces of the regime into public forums in which various interests and standpoints could be shared and delibe
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rated. There is general agreement that this endeavor has not been a success. Formally, the countries adopted the legal and institutional requirements of public service media according to European standards. The ruling political elites, however, retained their control over the public media by various means. Can this trend be reversed? Instead of being marginalized or totally manipulated, can public service media become vehicles of genuine democratization? A comparison of public service media in seven countries (Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia) addresses these important questions." (Publisher description)
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"This guide is a living document that is meant to be used as a starting point when planning and undertaking a campaign prior to (if possible) and during a disaster. It is intended to support the work of the Fiji government and the Fiji Communication and Community Engagement Working Group (CCEWG) in
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terms of messaging including tone, language and frequency as well as use of media outlets and other communication initiatives, while engaging and communicating with affected populations." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"The legislative framework for the regulation of hate speech in BiH is fragmented and unaligned with European standards, and there are few cases of its processing. Ways to combat disinformation mainly rely on self-regulatory frameworks and fact-checking platforms, and there are no comprehensive stra
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tegies to combat disinformation. Given the large presence of hate speech and disinformation, especially in the online sphere, which can affect the democratic processes in the country, it is necessary to improve the legislative, regulatory and self-regulatory frameworks and ways of their application. Bosnia and Herzegovina is obliged to adopt appropriate solutions in accordance with international conventions, recommendations of international bodies and standards of the European Court of Human Rights." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"For the first time, a complete mapping of the film and audiovisual industry in 54 States of the African continent is available, including quantitative and qualitative data and an analysis of their strengths and weaknesses at the continental and regional levels. The report proposes strategic recomme
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ndations for the development of the film and audiovisual sectors in Africa and invites policymakers, professional organizations, firms, filmmakers and artists to implement them in a concerted manner. The film and audiovisual industry in Africa has the potential to create over 20 million jobs and generate US$20 billion in revenues per year." (Short summary, page 2)
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"There are stark lessons to be learnt from this assessment: Social media has become the main source of news and information for majority of Kenyans, even though it suffers the greatest trust deficit. Radio remains highly important, while television is the most trusted source of information and newsp
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aper circulation and readership continue to decline — even though newspapers have the highest quality content. The study also found that self-censorship is rife; media sustainability remains a key concern and media freedom has been deteriorating since 2017. To improve media performance in Kenya, three key gaps were identified for plugging. These are skills gaps (the knowledge media personnel need to perform their work effectively); resource shortages (the resources media entities need to execute their mandate); and policy gaps (an enabling environment for the media to thrive)." (Publisher description)
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"The media sector in Moldova is diverse. Dogged investigative reporting plays a vital role in public life. However, the legal framework governing the sector is unstable and underdeveloped. In 2020, much of the country’s political class treated the independent press with hostility, viewing journali
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sts as obstacles to rather than partners in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Financial sustainability continues to elude the sector. Many outlets are captured by and serve as mouthpieces for political interests, and the fallout of the pandemic has exacerbated the precarity experienced by the independent press." (Executive summary)
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"Generally, Dominicans have access to the information that they need to make informed decisions, especially as it relates to disaster preparation and response. Despite having timely access to disaster-related information, however, some persons continue to act complacent and either fail or refuse to
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prepare for impending disasters." (Back cover)
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"This report is the product of an effort to understand the scale and scope of “transnational repression,” in which governments reach across national borders to silence dissent among their diaspora and exile communities. Freedom House assembled cases of transnational repression from public source
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s, including UN and government documents, human rights reports, and credible news outlets, in order to generate a detailed picture of this global phenomenon.
The project compiled a catalogue of 608 direct, physical cases of transnational repression since 2014. In each incident, the origin country’s authorities physically reached an individual living abroad, whether through detention, assault, physical intimidation, unlawful deportation, rendition, or suspected assassination. The list includes 31 origin states conducting physical transnational repression in 79 host countries. This total is certainly only partial; hundreds of other physical cases that lacked sufficient documentation, especially detentions and unlawful deportations, are not included in Freedom House’s count. Nevertheless, even this conservative enumeration shows that what often appear to be isolated incidents—an assassination here, a kidnapping there—in fact represent a pernicious and pervasive threat to human freedom and security.
Moreover, physical transnational repression is only the tip of the iceberg. The consequences of each physical attack ripple out into a larger community. And beyond the physical cases compiled for this report are the much more widespread tactics of “everyday” transnational repression: digital threats, spyware, and coercion by proxy, such as the imprisonment of exiles’ families. For millions of people around the world, transnational repression has become not an exceptional tool, but a common and institutionalized practice used by dozens of regimes to control people outside their borders." (Executive summary)
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"This report analyzes the content of traditional media and social networks on religious freedom and violent extremism in Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. At the same time, the study seeks to examine hate speech against certain religious groups and how pre-labeling affects those officially accu
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sed of extremism. For the most part, the policies and legal frameworks of the three Central Asian states focused on CVE (counteracting violent extremism) are structurally repressive and do not always protect religious freedom. State information resources are informative, poorly represented in the online environment and do not have a high level of citizen confidence due to their policies. The securitization and politicization of religion resulted in repressive state practices in respect to religious freedom, which is one of the driving factors in the radicalization of people. The need for alternative ways of expressing opinions and finding answers to religious questions has resulted in the emergence of alternative (parallel to the state information resources) media channels mainly on social media: YouTube, Facebook, Telegram, Odnoklassniki and online websites with a large number of young subscribers." (Abstract)
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"Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« erschien erstmals 2006. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt kämpften die US-Streitkräfte und ihre Verbündeten im Rahmen der Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) bereits mehrere Jahre auch auf afghanischem Boden gegen den internationalen Terroris mus. Die Kräfte der Int
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ernational Security Assistance Force (ISAF) konnten berechtigt hoffen, einen Beitrag zur Stabilität im Lande zu leisten. Die Bundeswehr war an der OEF von Anfang an beteiligt. Ende 2014 wurde der ISAF-Einsatz beendet und den Afghanen die Verantwortung für die Sicherheit ihrer Heimat übertragen. Gleichwohl war klar, dass das Land am Hindukusch auch weiterhin des Beistands der internationalen Gemeinschaft bedurfte. Folgerichtig wirkt die Bundeswehr seit 2015 im Auftrag des Deutschen Bundestages mit Einsatzkontingenten an der Mission Resolute Support (RS) mit. Ein Ende der Unterstützungsleistungen ist derzeit nicht absehbar. Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« bietet auch in seiner vierten, aktualisierten Auflage einen raschen Überblick über Geschichte und Kultur des Landes. Die aktuellen Konfliktlinien und Herausforderungen werden in bewährter Weise aufgezeigt." (Buchrückseite)
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"Afghanistan media has a history of 147 years. In 1873 the first ever paper, Shamsunahar, was established. The first radio transmitter was installed in 1920. The first TV broadcast happened in Kabul in 1978. The Internet was linked and used in Afghanistan during the Taliban period after 1996, althou
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gh it was not public and was used only by Taliban leaders. According to Nai Supporting Open Media, the leading Media Advocacy NGO in Afghanistan, there are 464 operational media in the country, which has the best media law in the region and one of the tops “Access to Information” bills in the world. But, since 2001, almost 120 journalists and media workers have been killed; more than 1550 violence cases against media have been registered and, except for a few of them, no prosecution processes have been launched for the cases. In practice access to information, despite having a good law, is one of the biggest challenges regarding freedom of expression, along with security and financial sustainability. The Taliban pose a great threat to media. Out of 120 journalists and media staff that have been killed since 2001, over 55 have been killed by the Taliban. On the other side, the Government of Afghanistan is yet to start addressing the violence cases against journalists allegedly perpetrated by governmental staff, particularly security forces. The government is not as supportive as it is stated to be by law and poses pressures which are among the challenges to freedom of expression. It has been known to set barriers to a free flow of information and to find various ways to prevent broadcasting stories about its failures. Financial challenges caused almost 240 media outlets to stop their activities in the country since 2014. Tens of radio stations and almost 6 TV stations are among the media outlets that have stopped their activities mainly because of financial problems. Although there are no specific studies that analyse public trust in media, the article “Media and government in the era of democracy” published on The Daily Afghanistan magazine shows the existence of a strong public trust in the media. When people are disappointed or have their rights infringed by a governmental entity, they turn to various media to make the problem known. That explains the popularity of media programmes that review cases and court hearings." (Overview)
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