"Lebanese society is famously, and even notoriously, fragmented, along both class and sectarian lines. Here, Nabil Dajani looks at how this societal division impacts on the nature of the mass media in Lebanon. Implementing the wider theory that the structure and content of mass media is unique to th
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e society within which it operates, he looks at how Lebanese media have often helped to sustain the sectarian divisions within Lebanese society. Dealing with newspapers, radio and television as well as new and emerging forms of communication, such as the internet, social media websites and blogs, he examines how the media both reflect societal realties as well as the ways they influence social consciousness. Beginning with an analysis of the socio-political context of modern-day Lebanon, Dajani critically examines the historical and current realities of the media in this country." (Publisher description)
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"Das Buch befasst sich mit der Rolle von Medien in einem politischen Ausnahmezustand. Bettina Haasen hat in Burundi Journalistinnen und Journalisten zu ihrem beruflichen Rollenselbstverständnis befragt und diese Aussagen unter Berücksichtigung ihrer sozialen Herkunft und den Zielen der internation
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alen Medienentwicklungszusammenarbeit (MEZ) kritisch in den Blick genommen. Mit dem gescheiterten Putsch im Jahr 2015 hat das Mediensystem in Burundi einen grundlegenden Wandel erlebt: Medienhäuser wurden vollständig zerstört, Hunderte von Journalisten leben im Exil und die Meinungsfreiheit wurde begraben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The 2019 Europe and Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI) saw another improvement in the combined average score for the 21 countries studied: In 2018, the combined average score was 1.84, and in 2019 this increased to 1.86. In comparison with the previous year’s study, there were modest gains
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at the regional level in Objectives 1 (Freedom of Speech), 2 (Professional Journalism), and 3 (Plurality); the largest increase happened in Objective 5 (Supporting Institutions), which moved from 1.99 in 2018 to 2.04 in 2019. Objective 4 (Business Management) saw a slight decline, reflecting the financial and economic challenges media across Europe and Eurasia continue to experience. At the country level, Armenia moved into the highest ranking position (by overall score) of all countries studied by the MSI with an overall score of 2.60 – powered by, in the words of the chapter’s author, “[a] momentous revolution, dubbed “velvet” by its leader, Nikol Pashinyan, [that] changed the Armenian political landscape, turned the media world upside down, and made 2018 a truly unprecedented year in Armenia’s modern history.” Following Armenia, the top five highest ranked countries included Kosovo (2.53), Albania (2.49), and Montenegro and Romania (tied at 2.45)." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"Fundamentally, this paper argues that the lack of political will combined with the failure of state-building processes to develop the frameworks and institutions to support independent media is maintaining a media landscape that reflects the key political challenges of Iraq. The politics of success
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ive Iraqi governments continues to affect the functioning and the perception of the media, leaving them unable to provide content that can support democratic and transparent political processes. Attempts at media reform or support for sustainable, relevant, independent media platforms must take into account the wider context of Iraq and its political structures as well as the existing conditions of corruption and fragility. They also require much deeper consultation with local media stakeholders combined with a greater coordination with global initiatives to support the development of independent media." (Conclusion)
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"This study focused on creating a picture of the local media in the country, by analyzing the main institutional players, the problems that they are facing, the status of the local journalists, as well as prospects for the future. The objective of this study was the identification of the whole unive
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rse of the local media, as well as the mapping of the local media. Convinced that the mapping of the local media will serve as an important basis for the launch of other in-depth studies, we have carefully analyzed the majority of available sources from which we could collect information on the local media landscape [...] The effects of the lengthy Albanian transition are clearly visible in the way the local media have been developing. During these three decades of free press, the local media in Albania have not managed to build a sustainable business model and have been continuously fighting for their survival in the market. The small markets, poor economic development, and a lack of media literacy in many local communities in the country, have made the job even harder for these media. Besides these problems, local media operators also have had to face the transformative power of technology at a time when they still had not perfected their model of management. The proliferation of web-based media publications, the social media, and lately the switch to digital broadcasting have found these media unprepared." (Conclusions, page 51-53)
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"Overall, it seems that few local media houses have really dedicated significant resources, time and capacity to exploring how best to both utilise and integrate online digital media and mitigate the threat of digitalisation. With regards to newspapers, NMH has probably been most active in seeking t
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o use digital platforms as well as trying to create a new revenue stream by implementing a pay-wall for its online offerings. Internationally there is some very recent evidence that subscription-based pay wall models can be a viable business strategy. However it is far from clear if Namibia’s small market and limited readership can sustain such a model, or if it will even prove popular [...] Besides the worries expressed regarding media houses’ revenue streams, a further significant issue is the threat to quality, independent journalism in Namibia. Again, there are indications that journalism is coming under increased pressure with regards to digitalisation and the overall financial health of local media businesses. A number of observers already state that ethical reporting standards have slipped, and that editorial independence is being undermined consistently by business and political interests among the majority of Namibian media houses." (Conclusion, page 35-36)
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"The Media Ownership Monitor – India finds out that while the ownership of media seems fairly plural at the national level, it is highly concentrated when one zooms into the regional level. More importantly, prominent national players have ceded their position of eminence at the regional level, wh
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ere local players rule." (http://india.mom-rsf.org/en)
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"The Media Ownership Monitor found that a high degree of concentration in ownership and audience share prevails in the media industry in Pakistan and a professionally weak regulatory system poses a threat to media pluralism and freedom of expression in the country." (http://Pakistan.mom-rsf.org/en)
"The development of the national environment of the Internet in Brazil is strong and positive, and in line with international standards when considering the regulatory framework. However, there are enforcement problems in some areas and significant shortcomings in access and connectivity for citizen
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s. Although there has been an increase in access to the Internet for Brazilians, there are still inequalities in the conditions for use and appropriation of ICTs, which can be pointed out as one of the most critical national issues for Internet development." (Executive summary, page 17)
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"Laut ukrainischen Journalisten und Medienaktivisten hat sich die Lage der Medien in der Ukraine seit dem Euromaidan 2013/2014 in einigen Aspekten verbessert. Die Medien können freier berichten, die Regierung aktiver kontrollieren und sie fühlen sich vom Staat weniger unter Druck gesetzt. Gleichze
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itig bestehen nennenswerte Einschränkungen, z. B. hinsichtlich der Unabhängigkeit und Pluralität der Medien. Einige Probleme sind heute gar akuter als vor fünf Jahren." (Zusammenfassung)
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"With particularly low internet penetration rates, intense state censorship and heavy Chinese investment, Pakistan presents elements of an authoritarian internet culture where surveillance is a barely-questioned norm, unless probed by civil society organizations or journalists. Social media giants s
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uch as Facebook and Twitter have come into minor clashes with the Pakistani government where enforcing content blockage/regulation is concerned. For example, the government in 2018 expanded the remit of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) to allow the regulator to block various types of content.[1] Journalists have begun to self-censor out of threats to their lives. Nearly 88% of Pakistan’s journalists said that they selfcensored, according to a 2018 survey carried out by Media Matters for Democracy, a local NGO. China, with its China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and One Belt One Road initiative, is exporting its regulatory model of surveillance to Pakistan, thus worsening the situation. A handful of digital human rights civil society organizations have sprung up over the past few years such as Media Matters for Democracy, Digital Rights Foundation and Bytes4All, all with the aim of fighting back against invasion of privacy, freedom of speech, and safety of journalists, and raising awareness about the issue of internet and human rights in Pakistan." (Page 4)
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"This report maps threats against journalists in Afghanistan between January and December 2017. Divided into five key indicator categories, the report first provides an overview of the safety situation of journalists in Afghanistan; followed by the discussion of the roles and responses of State and
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political actors; the roles and response of media and intermediaries; and the roles and responses of the United Nations (UN) system and other extra-national actors with a presence in the country in relation to safety matters." (Executive summary)
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