"The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has great humanitarian responsibilities towards a war-torn region. Deliberately referred to as a regional entrepreneurship hub, over eight million of Jordan’s citizens (86.4%) have access to the internet, and they produce more than half of the digital content avail
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able online in the Arabic language. As Jordanians navigate together through an ongoing humanitarian, economic and political crisis, the mainstream social media platforms to which they are active contributors, such as Twitter and Facebook, with the latter being the top app in the country, are turning into interactive spaces critical for public debate and socio-political transformation. The uses of mainstream social media include coping with the consequences of war, displacement, and the identity negotiations of a young nation. This policy brief identifies gaps and opportunities uncovered by the current programmes offered by organisations aiming at serving groups such as disadvantaged Jordanians and refugees. Overall, the country’s social media landscape reveals underlying societal tensions, collective concerns, and hopes for progress, equity and stability. This policy brief analyses social media impacts on the Jordanian society in 2018-2019." (Overview)
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"This policy brief summarises extensive information on digital rights violations and politically motivated information disorders affecting Venezuelans, principally social media users. The brief focuses on the conflict dynamic between an authoritarian government and those fighting for re-democratisat
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ion. Venezuelan government policies and actions amid the process of eroding democracy are revisited. The most pressing issues affecting internet freedom and digital rights are scrutinised. Emphasis is placed on the discussion of the dynamics of the coordinated spread of online propaganda and government-sponsored disinformation. Issues surrounding the deployment of digital ID, biometrics data, and risks of massive surveillance are also identified. The brief concludes with policy recommendations for social media companies, journalists, civil society organisations, and policy shapers involved in democratic transition efforts." (Abstract)
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"International Media Support (IMS) carried out two initial assessment missions in Ethiopia in June and August 2018, and the community radio sector was identified as an area of possible cooperation and support. In order to follow up on this finding, an IMS team consisting of Mr. Tewodros Negash and M
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r. Per Oesterlund was assigned to carry out an assessment of the community radio sector in Ethiopia. This report synthesises findings from desk research and field-work conducted by IMS. The first phase of the assessment analysed the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of the community radio sector based on literature reviews, discussions and interviews held with relevant actors such as government regulatory authorities, radio station managers, journalists and listeners. Subsequently, visits to selected community radio stations in rural areas and urban centres outside Addis Ababa were undertaken." (Introduction)
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"The Philippine media landscape is full of contradictions. On one hand, it joins the global trend of technological disruptions ushering changes in the media economy, profession, and consumption. On the other hand, persistent socio-economic inequalities and the urban/rural gap limit the potential of
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these disruptions, thus maintaining the supremacy of traditional media (except newspapers) as source of information especially in the countryside [...] Community press and radio continue to be preferred means of communication even for armed groups. Radio, in particular, is still seen as the most pervasive media, reaching even the remotest areas. The country is labeled the "social media capital of the world" given the rate of social media usage (Pablo, 2018; Mateo, 2018) and belongs to the top 20 countries with highest Internet penetration rate (Internet World Stats, 2018). However, the telecommunications infrastructure of the Philippines remains underdeveloped in most areas, as the number of cell towers is far less than that of its neighboring countries. Internet speed is slower than in the other countries in Asia-Pacific and is even below the global average (Akamai Technologies, 2017) and mobile signal, even the older generation 2G connectivity, is unavailable in many rural areas." (Overview)
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"The sample of media investigated by MOM includes 52 national outlets: 14 Television channels, 14 radio stations, 10 printed newspapers and 14 news websites. Most of them are owned by a few private companies mostly located in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. They concentrate audience shares, i
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ncome from private and state advertising, news production and distribution networks. State-owned media outlets are less and less influential. Each of the four media sectors (TV, radio, printed press and online) in the MOM study shows high levels of ownership and audience concentration. Grupo Clarín is the only conglomerate that has a considerable market power in all areas of the media and telecoms industry. Other less important actors include Grupo América (formerly, Grupo UNO), which has focused on free TV and radio since it sold its cable TV company Supercanal in 2018; and Grupo Indalo, which holds interests in radio, TV and print, although its future is uncertain due to the judicial investigation involving the group’s owners, who were in prison at the time of this study." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/argentina)
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"The world is flooded with news of how social media is being used to influence democracy in conflict-affected areas, for better or worse. Colombia is not an exception. The era of social media brings opportunities and challenges to a broad range of stakeholders in this country, to harness the power o
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f technological innovation to foster a more open and transparent democracy in the midst of conflict. This policy brief examines the positive and negative influence of social media in three cases: (i) the 2016 plebiscite about the endorsement of a peace agreement with the FARC-EP guerrilla; (ii) the presidential elections of 2018; and (iii) the threats and crimes against social leaders since the peace agreement was signed. Based on the cases analysed, the document draws recommendations for different actors at the local, national and international levels, to both minimise the harm and maximise the good of using social media in Colombian democratic spaces." (Abstract)
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"This thesis examines the dissemination of political information in Iceland through an investigation of three interlinked and under-studied areas of research in the country. The research gaps concern perceptions of routine political news coverage, the politician-journalist relationship, and the impa
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ct of social networking sites on interactions between the public, journalists and politicians, as well as on news coverage of politics. The data in this mixed methods study is comprised of 50 semi-structured interviews with Icelandic politicians and journalists, and survey answers from a representative questionnaire (N= 1,264). In filling these research gaps, the Icelandic case is used to expand existing paradigms. Iceland has been routinely ignored in the comparative political communication literature, and the same goes for other small states. The thesis illustrates how qualitative differences between small and large states open up new areas of investigation. The findings demonstrate that the Icelandic legacy media is perceived to be breaking down and routinely bypassed in political dissemination. The smallness of the Icelandic society means that there is much more direct interaction between politicians, journalists and the public than in larger states. This happens in informal settings offline, as well as online, particularly on Facebook. In order to study these online forms of communication, I show that there is a need to probe the more private avenues, in addition to the public arena. I introduce the concept of a ‘two-level online sphere’ in relation to this. The thesis contributes to theory building by constructing frameworks based on four dimensions of ‘scaled down’ political communication dynamics: 1) offline network density, 2) online network density, 3) mobile multifunctionality, and 4) flexible autonomy. In addition, I show that the Icelandic case can be seen as a ‘canary in the coalmine’ in relation to political communication developments in the larger democracies of the world." (Abstract)
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"A hostile takeover of Egypt’s media is under way, leaving the influence on public opinion to be controlled by the state, the secret services and a few wealthy owners loyal to the regime and with close ties to the former president Hosni Mubarak. In a move to gain influence over the State-owned med
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ia, the media giant Egyptian Media group signed several deals with the National Media authority on 20 January 2019 extending its control and increasing the influence of the General Intelligence over the Egyptian media landscape. The coordinated attack on media freedom and pluralism is facilitated by a set of new laws restructuring the media sector in 2018 and by the ongoing pressure on journalists and media workers by the state." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/egypt)
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"Este libro realiza un análisis situacional de la alfabetización mediática en Ecuador, a su vez procura agrupar los principales resultados obtenidos a través de numerosos estudios en las regiones y ciudades del país donde se ha determinado el nivel de competencia mediática en varios grupos de
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la sociedad ecuatoriana: estudiantes y profesores de escuelas, colegios y universidades. Se analiza también, la presencia de contenidos curriculares en los planes de estudio que en algunos casos incrementan el nivel de competencia mediática. Además, se examina la normativa que rige el desarrollo de la competencia mediática, tanto a nivel comunicacional y educativo, su visualización a nivel científico y las distintas aplicaciones y proyectos realizados como intentos de mejorar la situación actual en este tema." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Even with a backdrop of political instability, Sri Lanka’s overall 2019 MSI score remained at 1.80, the same as it was the last time the study was conducted in 2017. This year, the Freedom of Speech objective just crossed the threshold into the near sustainable category due to continued improveme
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nt in the legal framework after the 2015 election and the fact that no major incidents were committed against the media in 2018. Professional Journalism (Objective 2) was the only objective to decrease this year, which panelists attribute to politicization of news media, self-censorship, and few resources to pay adequate salaries or invest in quality, investigative journalism. This study separately analyzed how the media serves the public in Objective 6, with panelists noting that the media tends to reflect the views of the government, media owners, or the elite, rather than the concerns or needs of the general public." (Page 5)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"Social media has, in a few years, turned the political landscape in Ethiopia on its head not only as a means of mobilising people, but also as a means of spreading rumours, hate speech and disinformation [...] What ultimately is happening is that digital media has made a more invasive, ultimately p
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ersonalised form of marketing possible, which is changing political and commercial communication as a whole and with it the media landscape [...] A number of core problem areas for social media emanate out of the digital technology shift and the emergence of social media that stakeholders need to deal with now and in the future. Among them are: Broadening access to the internet; Regulation: publishing responsibility, freedom of speech and democracy; Consumer protection: data privacy, disclosure of platform data handling and advertising; Copyright of inventions and content; Overall media finance when advertising revenues are migrating to primarily Facebook and Google (incl Youtube); Media literacy in the light of hate speech, disinformation and a completely new range of disruptive, conniving marketing that with it carries both great opportunities and massive losses." (Introduction)
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"Only three of the ten most popular television channels in Kazakhstan are not government-owned. Former President Nursultan Nazarbayev directly or through his family, also owns television channels. For example, KTK, the second most watched television channel in the country is run by the Foundation of
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the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan-Elbasy. Another popular television channel, NTK, is owned directly by a Nazarbayev family member. Nazarbayev resigned in March 2019, but political analysts say that he did so to be able, before he dies, to supervise a smooth transition to a new regime that will continue his policies, ensuring centralization of political control and preventing criticism of authorities as Nazarbayev did during his 29-year tenure. When it comes to online news, the Government owns three of the 10 most visited websites: Kazinform.kz, Bnews.kz and 24.kz. In fact, none of the most popular news portals in Kazakhstan are independent and truly free of government control. For example, TengriNews.kz, one of the most read news websites is owned by the company Alash Media Group, which is known for promoting a strong pro-government narrative.
The foreign influence in Kazakhstan’s media landscape is limited as foreigners can own only 20% of a media company. That being said, the Russian influence in the Kazakh media is notable. The most popular television channel in the country, Eurasia, jointly owned by the governments of Kazakhstan and Russia, is known for promoting a heavy pro-Russian agenda on world affairs. Another popular television channel, Channel 31 (31 Kanal) is co-owned by Bulat Utemuratov, a wealthy local businessman, and the Russian-funded STS Media Holding. Kenes Rakishev, another entrepreneur, owner of Channel Seven (Sedmoy Kanal), is also a partner in Fastlane Ventures, a prominent Russian venture fund that usually invests in internet companies.
The Government is by far the largest funder in the media, with over €144m spent in cash dished out to media companies in 2017, more than the overall ad spend in Kazakhstan, according to industry estimates. Most of the government funding goes to government-owned media companies or privately held outlets that show support of the Government. For example, in television, the biggest chunk of government cash is spent on financing Khabar and Qazaqstan, two government-owned channels.
In such a centralized media environment in which the Government plays a disproportionately big role, there is hardly any space for independent journalism. Owned by a civil society activist and journalist, Vlast.kz is arguably the sole truly independent news website among the 10 most visited websites in the country. There are other independent news media such as Azattyq, the local service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, but their audience is much smaller." (Page 4)
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"Presentamos aquí datos básicos de los 13 casos analizados, principalmente desde la perspectiva de sus responsables. La Diaria, fundado en 2006, es un periódico impreso [...] Portal 180 es un portal web informativo que opera con una lógica empresarial basada en la venta de espacios publicitarios
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[...] Sudestada es un portal web que busca focalizarse en «la investigación periodística, el periodismo de datos y las coberturas de contexto» [...] Canal U es una señal de televisión que se emite en sistemas para abonados («cables») nacionales y regionales [...] Giro TV fue un proyecto empresarial que se conformó entre La Diaria y un conjunto de realizadores audiovisuales para presentarse al llamado a televisión digital terrestre comercial en 2013 [...] Mi Canal, un proyecto de la central de trabajadores PIT-CNT, también se presentó y obtuvo una frecuencia en el llamado de televisión digital terrestre de 2013 [...] Parking Films es una productora audiovisual de cine y televisión, proyecto unipersonal reciente (2014) de un realizador con trayectoria previa en otras productoras [...] Coral Films-Efecto Cine es una empresa dedicada a la realización de películas con potencialidad de difusión masiva (Coral) y a la proyección itinerante en pantalla inflable en espacios públicos de filmes propios y de otros realizadores uruguayos (Efecto Cine) [...] Tiranos Temblad difundía semanal o quincenalmente en YouTube acontecimientos uruguayos seleccionados de los videos subidos a esa red por los usuarios [...] El responsable del semanario impreso San José Hoy transitó una experiencia anterior, el periódico cooperativo Hechos de San José, que en sus tres años de existencia en los 80 empataba las cuentas [...] La Asociación de Radios del Interior (RAMI) reúne a 140 emisoras distribuidas en todo el interior del país [...] Las radios comunitarias uruguayas surgieron en la década de los 90 y se mantuvieron en la ilegalidad hasta la aprobación de una ley que inició un proceso de regularización que ha amparado hasta ahora a 165 [...] Televisión Nacional de Uruguay (TNU), el canal estatal fundado en 1965, cubre casi todo el territorio nacional gracias a una red de repetidoras locales." (Página 11-13)
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"Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change is the first volume to overview the country’s contemporary media landscape, providing a critical assessment of the sector during the complex and controversial political transition. Moving beyond the focus on journalism and freedom of th
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e press that characterizes many media-focused volumes, Myanmar Media in Transition also explores developments in fiction, filmmaking, social movement media and social media. Documenting changes from both academic and practitioner perspectives, the twenty-one chapters reinforce the volume’s theoretical arguments by providing on-the-ground, factual and experiential data intended to open useful dialogue between key stakeholders in the media, government and civil society sectors. Providing an overview of media studies in the country, Myanmar Media in Transition addresses current challenges, such as the use of social media in spreading hate speech and the shifting boundaries of free expression, by placing them within Myanmar’s broader historic social, political and economic context." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing from often overlooked sources of evidence, this report shows that China’s homegrown social media platforms have responded to market incentives by subtly shielding users from certain forms of online censorship and repression. Meanwhile, the party confronts rising costs—both economicall
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y and politically—for stamping out the diffuse forms of dissent that spread across these networks. Has the debate over the role of new communications technology in China’s political system really been decided? China’s $56 billion internet advertising market now dwarfs advertising in print, radio, and broadcast—and investments have frequently followed audiences to platforms where they feel free to express themselves. Chinese state officials are frequently raising concerns about the growing threat to the party’s control posed by social media, including the dangers of “out of control” algorithms. Hiding key indicators from the censors, reviving banned accounts, and creating opportunities for collective action: social media platforms are quietly and subtly testing the political boundaries in response to their audience’s preferences." (Key findings)
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