"The media landscape in Nicaragua has suffered substantial setbacks in recent years since President Daniel Ortega assumed power in 2007. With his government having taken hold, the number of independent media has shrunk, access to public information has become scarce, and a new governmental communica
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tions strategy drives political messaging and funding through a mix of public and private media. These outlets are controlled by members of Ortega’s family and the ruling political party, Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (Sandinista National Liberation Front, or FSLN). As an example of the climate of secrecy and opaque governance that Nicaraguans experience today, President Ortega has not participated in a press conference since he retook power. Authorities prevent independent reporters from participating in many of the official events held in public institutions. Business associates close to President Ortega bought key television stations (among them Channels 2 and 8), and now their news programs are overseen directly by Ortega’s family, according to independent news reports. Ortega’s family also holds interests in Channel 13, Viva Nicaragua. Completing this near-monopoly of television stations are Channel 4 (Multinoticias) and the state-owned Channel 6. FSLN also controls dozens of radio stations in the country and several online news portals. It follows that independent media operate in what can be called at best a semi-permissive environment: one that does not foster its sustainability." (Introduction)
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"The EuroMaidan protests that shook Ukraine in late 2013 to early 2014 triggered a chain of events that brought numerous changes and challenges for the Ukrainian society. The Ukrainian media landscape has also been affected by the new challenges and impetus for democratization. The post-Maidan perio
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d saw both, improvements in the media environment and setbacks. While Ukrainian journalists can benefit from increased media freedom, new progressive legislation and reinvigoration of the democratic debate, many problems still shape the development of the media. Editorial dependence on owners, concentration of mainstream media in the hands of oligarchs, deteriorating quality of content and crisis of professional identity are distinctive features of the post-Maidan media landscape in Ukraine. This paper provides an overview of developments in the Ukrainian media system since the declaration of independence with a special focus on the situation after the EuroMaidan and discusses four major challenges that will impact the transformation of the Ukrainian journalism and media sphere." (Abstract)
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"Dieses Buch bietet einen Überblick über die chinesische Social-Media-Landschaft sowie die Besonderheiten und Trends des Social Media Marketing in China. Der Autor beschreibt, welche sozialen Medien in China genutzt werden, wo Statistiken darüber zu finden sind, welche Hauptfunktionen die wichtig
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sten sozialen Netzwerke haben und wo ihre Schwerpunkte für das Marketing liegen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In Tschechien ist die Qualitätspresse in einer schwierigen Lage. Der Markt ist klein, die Kosten sind hoch und die Erträge bescheiden. Zeitungen und Nachrichtenmagazine werden ihrem Anspruch, seriöse Berichterstattung zu bieten, oft nicht gerecht. Die Verantwortung für die Boulevardisierung war
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lange den ausländischen, überwiegend deutschen Medienhäusern zugeschrieben worden, die in den 1990er Jahren in Tschechien investiert und den Pressemarkt dominiert hatten. Seit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 2008 haben sich diese Investoren zurückgezogen, die neuen Eigentümer sind meist tschechische Großunternehmer. Doch die Qualität der Berichterstattung ist nicht zwangsläufig besser geworden. Die Frage, wie frei die Presse ist, stellt sich vielmehr noch dringlicher. Dies gilt insbesondere für die Erzeugnisse aus dem Hause MAFRA, das dem Agrofert-Konzern des Großunternehmers und Finanzministers Andrej Babiš gehört." (Abstract)
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"A febrero de 2016 existen 5.684 estaciones de radio y televisión a nivel nacional. Los titulares con el mayor número de estaciones son el Instituto Nacional de Radio y Televisión del Perú (IRTP) con 393 estaciones de televisión, y en radio, la Asociación Cultural Bethel con 130 estaciones. So
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lo existen 3 estaciones de radio con finalidad comunitaria en todo el Perú. Existe un total de 131 titulares de radio y televisión pública-estatal, pertenecientes a gobiernos regionales, locales y universidades públicas. El 88% son de municipalidades. Los titulares de servicios de radio y televisión que no presentaron Código de Ética y los que se acogen al Código de Ética del MTC representan el 83%. Durante el 2015 fueron sancionados 214 titulares de radio y televisión a nivel nacional, acumulando un total de 223 sanciones y 278 infracciones. Por incumplimiento del Código de Ética y el Horario Familiar solo se registró una infracción." (Pág. web CONCORTV)
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"This report, produced by a participatory research process that took over a year, provides a comprehensive assessment of the environment for media sector’s development in Sri Lanka. It is based on UNESCO’s Media Development Indicator (MDI) framework, which looks at the diferent factors which sho
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uld contribute to media development, including the legal framework, economic conditions, human resource development, the technological environment and safety, as well as the actual state of media development in the country." (Back cover)
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"Myanmar should sign and ratify international treaties which pertain to freedom of expression, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the (first) Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on the Elimina
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tion of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. The 2008 Constitution should be amended to strengthen guarantees of freedom of expression (i.e. Article 354) and the right to information. These guarantees should not allow ordinary laws to restrict these rights but should, instead, impose clear conditions on any laws which restrict these rights. Only a judiciary that acts independently can properly interpret laws which restrict freedom of expression in the public interest. The government should promote the independence of the judiciary and address reported corruption issues within it. The government should promote wider public participation in legal reform processes and more proactively communicate on the legal reforms pertaining to freedom of expression by creating wider opportunities for interactions with the public." (Key recommendations, page xxvi)
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"The Internet in Africa has become an increasingly contested space, where competing ideas of development and society battle for hegemony. By comparing the evolution of the Internet in Ethiopia and Rwanda, we question whether policies and projects emerging from two of Africa’s fastest growing, but
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also most tightly controlled countries, can be understood as part of a relatively cohesive model of the ‘developmental’ Internet, which challenges mainstream conceptions. Our answer is a qualified yes. Ethiopia and Rwanda have shared an overarching strategy which places the state as the prime mover in the development of Internet policy and large-scale ICT projects. Rwanda, however, appears to have developed a more open model which can accommodate a greater variety of actors and opinions, and incorporate them within a relatively coherent vision that emanates from the centre. Ethiopia, in contrast, has developed a more closed model, where all powers rest firmly in the hands of a government that has refused (so far) to entertain and engage with alternative ideas of the Internet. In the case of Rwanda, we argue, this approach reflects broader strategies adopted by the government in the economic domain but appears to counter the prevailing political approach of the government, allowing for a greater degree of freedom on the Internet as compared to traditional media. While in the case of Ethiopia, the opposite is true; Ethiopia’s Internet policies appear to run counter to prevailing economic policies but fit tightly with the government’s approach to politics and governance." (Abstract)
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"Ukrainian mass media outlets are mostly driven by their owners’ individual interests and thus serve as instruments to securing political and economic power. Corruption and lack of financial transparency further inhibit the healthiness of the country’s media landscape. The Media Ownership Monito
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r Ukraine, carried out from July to October 2016 together with the Institute of Mass Information (IMI), showed that the Ukraine media is prone to power plays, more than ever. The Media Ownership Monitor pinpoints that concentration is especially high within the audio-visual and radio markets. The major four TV owners – StarLight Media, 1+1 Media, Inter Media and Media Group Ukraine – represent an audience share of more than three quarters. The top four radio groups even combine a reach of 92% of the audience in Ukraine: Tavr Radio Group, Ukrainian Media Holding, Business Radio Group and TRK Lux. Those media groups mainly belong to some of the richest in Ukraine, amongst others Viktor Pinchuk, Ihor Kolomoyskyi, Dmytro Firtash and Rinat Akhmetov. The print media and online sectors are less concentrated. Online media in particular offer much more pluralism and choice to Internet savvy Ukrainians." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Two giant broadcast networks dominate the Philippine media industry both in terms of economic market power and audience reach, which gives them a major potential to shape public opinion. Despite a high number of media outlets and being described as one of the most freewheeling media systems in the
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region, Philippine media continuous to be owned by and to depend on the economic and political elite [...] Five families in the Forbes List of 2016 Philippines’ Richest are in media, four of which made their money predominantly from media. Even though the political and economic elite are interweaved, those links have not led to targeted discriminatory actions in the recent past, with in general little political control being openly exerted. It poses, however, a potential risk to media as soon as the political elite start to exploit the vulnerability of media owners." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"High levels of revenue and ownership concentration in the media sector pose a threat to freedom of information in Peru. Concentration is also exceptionally high in terms of circulation and audience in the print and digital media sectors. MOM Peru, carried out from September and December 2016, has r
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evealed a high degree of media ownership concentration as well as a lack of regulation by the state, and confirms the dominant position of the El Comercio Group." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"The Syrian Civil War has shaken the country’s media landscape and provided space for the nascent emergence of an independent Syrian media. Syria’s media culture is undergoing significant transformation from a top-down, state-run industry, to a diverse arena populated by competing viewpoints and
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driven by communities. This paper maps the changes in Syrian media since the beginning of the uprising in 2011, and explores the constraints facing independent media moving forward. Stronger mechanisms to support independent media in Syria are needed—such as additional and consistent funding, industry associations, and ease of travel—to develop a more open media culture in Syria, and foster a democratic and pluralistic post-conflict society." (Summary)
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"Lo que hace algunos años era un escenario de polarización entre medios de comunicación anti-Chávez y pro-Chávez sumamente tendenciosos, lo cual era el reflejo de una sociedad dividida, se ha convertido en un escenario de control gubernamental, directo o indirecto, sobre la mayor parte del disc
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urso público [...] Sin embargo, en medio de este panorama desolador para la libertad de expresión, hay rayos de esperanza: han surgido nuevos medios de comunicación independientes y en su mayoría digitales que están determinados a enfrentar las dificultades y contar la historia de lo que realmente está ocurriendo en Venezuela. Sus reportajes han sido finalistas o ganadores de varios de los premios de periodismo más prestigiosos del continente; uno de estos reportajes documenta precisamente la compra de medios de comunicación por parte de amigos del gobierno, y el consecuente cambio en la línea editorial que obligó a muchos periodistas y editores a renunciar. Las recomendaciones finales de este documento incluyen un llamado para una reforma urgente del marco legal en el que los medios de comunicación operan; el acceso pleno a la información pública y a los funcionarios públicos; y un mayor apoyo para que el periodismo de investigación y los medios independientes en Venezuela se relacionen con colegas en el continente y aumenten su capacidad para informar de manera factual acerca de la situación crítica que vive el país." (Resumen)
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"Structural conditions are to be understood as the totality of (formal and informal) orders and structures that characterise media and journalism in a certain space, most commonly, a country. Eleven interrelated and interdependent dimensions of structural conditions relevant to media and journalism
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have been extracted and adapted from existing literature, guiding structured and comprehensive analysis within specific (country) contexts: (1) historical development, (2) political system, (3) political culture, (4) media freedom, (5) level of state control and regulation of media by the state, (6) media ownership and financing, (7) structure of media markets and patterns of information distribution, (8) orientation of media, (9) political/societal activity and parallelism of media, (10) journalism culture, and (11) journalistic professionalism. Country reports feature a unique set and combination of structural factors shaping media and journalism in the four countries, demonstrating the importance of conflict communication as a case study with regard to structural conditions. For example, different degrees of democratisation regarding media structures become evident in varying levels of media freedom and state interference in the media sector. Moreover, there are significant differences in media landscapes and the structure of media markets, reflecting the different size, economic situation, infrastructure and cultural, ethnic and linguistic diversity of the four countries, as well as the differing degrees of literacy and spending power of inhabitants." (Executive summary)
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"The purpose of this assessment is to compile a general portrait of the media landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in order to determine the broad status of reforms and needs in the media sector and make recommendations for potential further USAID involvement in the sector. The assessment team
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addressed the following three main questions: 1. What areas of the BiH media sector require the most urgent assistance that can be provided in the next five years? 2. What types of assistance might be the most effective in those areas, and on what scale? 3. What are the comparative advantages of US assistance to media outlets?" (Executive summary)
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"Ugandische Eliten erwarten von Journalisten zu Wahlzeiten eine positive Berichterstattung. Kritik und Hinterfragung von Standpunkten werden nicht gerne gesehen. Die übermächtigen Ressourcen der Herrschenden werden dazu eingesetzt, diese Erwartungen zu erfüllen. Dementsprechend können Journalist
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en ihre Selbstverständnisse nicht realisieren, sondern passen sich den Erwartungen an. Diese Masterarbeit macht deutlich, dass die derzeitigen Strukturen des ugandischen Mediensystems das journalistische Können und damit die Medienfreiheit einschränken. Deshalb muss auch von staatlichen Akteuren oftmals kein direkter Druck durch polizeiliche oder juristische Verfolgung erzeugt werden. Der derzeitige Zustand der Arbeits- und Ausbildungsbedingungen, sowie die Eigentumsstrukturen reichen zur Disziplinierung aus." (Fazit, Seite 100)
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"Of the 939 identified main media literacy stakeholders, over a third were categorised as “civil society” (305), followed by “public authorities” (175) and “academia” (161). Over two-thirds of them do not have a statutory responsibility in this area and base their involvement on a differ
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ent motivation. 189 networks were identified and the vast majority of them (135) are operating at national level. Since the level of activity differs a lot between countries, of the maximum of 580 projects (20 possible projects for each of the 29 respondents, but not all of them were able to detect 20), only 547 were identified. The most common project type is “resources” (173); the second is “end-user engagement” (107). These two together account for more than half of all analysed projects, showing that providing frontline support to citizens is a priority. As to the a ddressed media literacy skills, “critical thinking” was the clear winner, being dealt with by 403 of the 547 projects, followed by “media use” (385). This trend is also confirmed by the case study analysis of the most significant 145 projects, which also feature projects on “intercultural dialogue” (46 of 145), including skills around challenging radicalisation and hate speech online." (Executive summary, page 3-4)
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"This article offers an assessment of media and their role in the ongoing political transition in Myanmar, and an overview of lessons learned from other countries undergoing transition. It demonstrates how media function in this process as active agents of stability, restraint, change, or all three,
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and assesses how Myanmar’s experiences reinforce or challenge common assumptions about democratic transition. The discussion draws from interviews over many years with journalists, editors, advocacy groups, and policy makers and participant observation in media offices and at media-related events. The research examines the origins of the recent changes, the importance of history, the role of civil society—including ethnic and formerly exile media—and issues of political economy and media diversity." (Abstract)
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