"Only one out of ten Mongolian media outlets is actively transparent about its ownership. A majority of them has political affiliations through their founders and / or owners. This limits the important role of media to act as an independent watchdog for democracy. These are some of the main findings
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of the Media Ownership Monitor Mongolia, jointly carried out with the Press Institute of Mongolia, from September to December 2016." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"This publication will contribute to ensuring that the breadth of human rights violations in Eritrea becomes known, and that the issue of human trafficking migrates more strongly upwards into the public eye." (Back cover)
"Seit der Unabhängigkeit 1991 ist in Kasachstan ein Mediensystem entstanden, das formal viele Gemeinsamkeiten mit den Mediensystemen in konsolidierten Demokratien aufweist. Die Verfassung garantiert Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit, auf dem Medienmarkt herrscht Vielfalt, das Internet gewinnt zulasten d
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er Printmedien an Bedeutung, und das Fernsehen erreicht nahezu jeden Haushalt. Doch tatsächlich ist die Lage anders. Der Staat kontrolliert und zensiert die Medien, die Pressefreiheit ist eingeschränkt, Medien haben kaum Zugang zu Informationen. Außerdem fehlen Organe der Selbstkontrolle der Presse oder eine Berufsvereinigung der Journalisten. Diese Strukturdefizite sollten behoben werden. Nötig wären freie Medien, die objektiv und umfassend informieren und den Bürgern Meinungsbildung zur Innen- und Außenpolitik Kasachstans ermöglichen. Davon würde auch die Staatsmacht profitieren." (Abstract)
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"The 45 country reports gathered here illustrate the link between the internet and economic, social and cultural rights (ESCRs). Some of the topics will be familiar to information and communications technology for development (ICT4D) activists: the right to health, education and culture; the socioec
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onomic empowerment of women using the internet; the inclusion of rural and indigenous communities in the information society; and the use of ICT to combat the marginalisation of local languages. Others deal with relatively new areas of exploration, such as using 3D printing technology to preserve cultural heritage, creating participatory community networks to capture an “inventory of things” that enables socioeconomic rights, crowdfunding rights, or the negative impact of algorithms on calculating social benefits. Workers’ rights receive some attention, as does the use of the internet during natural disasters. Ten thematic reports frame the country reports. These deal both with overarching concerns when it comes to ESCRs and the internet – such as institutional frameworks and policy considerations – as well as more specific issues that impact on our rights: the legal justification for online education resources, the plight of migrant domestic workers, the use of digital databases to protect traditional knowledge from biopiracy, digital archiving, and the impact of multilateral trade deals on the international human rights framework. The reports highlight the institutional and country-level possibilities and challenges that civil society faces in using the internet to enable ESCRs. They also suggest that in a number of instances, individuals, groups and communities are using the internet to enact their socioeconomic and cultural rights in the face of disinterest, inaction or censure by the state." (Back cover)
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"This report outlines the international human rights standards and processes related the protection of freedom of expression and religious belief, and discusses regional trends and challenges. The nine country case studies include the stories of many people across the region struggling to defend fre
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edom of expression and promote an understanding of free expression that this is consistent with the expression of religious views. Some of the stories are horrifying – people are being killed for what they believe and say while exercising their rights to express that belief. It also provides an overview of the relevant laws and standards which impinge on people’s rights in each of these countries. It is a challenge to governments in the region to recognise their responsibility to protect the rights of their own citizens. The Jakarta Declaration set out in this report is a stirring declaration of the responsibilities, not just of governments but of all the relevant actors. It set out a clear path to the essential task of protecting rights to free expression in the region and ultimately, to the protection of religious belief itself." (Andrew Puddephatt, page 8)
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"For many years, the media development conversation regarding Cuba has largely focused on the country’s harsh censorship practices and other restrictions on freedom of expression. Those concerns remain. But with the opening of relations with the United States over the past two years, the conversat
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ion has widened. U.S. government and business interests have reengaged with Cuba, and the clock is highly unlikely to be rolled back. There is going to be more digital media in Cuba, and more Cubans are going to go online. The Internet will continue to advance, and the regime’s old monolithic message will become less possible to sustain. The future of journalism is impossible to predict in Cuba, other than to say it is bound to get better. The Cuban journalism of the future is likely to skew to online platforms." (Conclusion)
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"The three countries that this year experienced a decrease in overall score—Belarus, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan—were ones last year that had showed small but unexpected increases. Last year’s Executive Summary indicated that such increases were unlikely to be part of a larger upward trend; pan
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elists’ scores this year for all three ended up placing the three more or less where they stood in 2014. A similar phenomenon occurred this year with Tajikistan. Panelists there gave scores that increase the overall score in the country by 0.18 despite the fact that many serious threats to the media sector exist, including government pressure and harassment of critical voices, concentration of media control, poor quality reporting, and difficulty for independent media in raising revenue. Except for Objective 3, Plurality of News, all objectives received higher scores. Reading the chapter text, however, one does not get the impression that much positive is happening to improve the ability of Tajik media to serve as the Fourth Estate." (Executive summary)
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"The top five roles, in order of importance both by mean scores and by percent who said “extremely” and “very” important, for Indian journalists, were: report things as they are (88.4%), educate the audience (85.5%), provide analysis of current affairs (84.7%), let people express their views
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(83.2%), and support national development (81.7%) (see Table 1). Interestingly, the last role in mean importance was “convey a positive image of the leadership.” “Be an adversary of the government” and “set the political agenda” tied for second last place in terms of means, followed by “support government policy.” These Indian journalists considered it only somewhat important to be directly oppositional to the government as well as to portray leaders positively. As the means decreased, in general, standard deviations increased. Thus journalists’ opinions were quite varied on the roles that were not of primary importance to them." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"Albanian journalists believe their most important professional role is reporting things as they are, being detached observers and providing the kind of news that attracts the largest audience. These functions contrast with the dominant perceived role of journalists in the early 1990s as missionarie
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s and educators of the audience (see Table 1). Journalists in Albania tend to be audience-oriented, report uninvolved according to the audience’s taste and demand and attempt to educate them remotely through entertainment and recreation. Journalists’ other attributes as “advocates for social change”, “educators of the audience” and “promoters of tolerance and cultural diversity” find broad support as well. As for critical journalism, only a few journalists think it is important to set the political agenda, to monitor and scrutinize business and political leaders." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"Die Partei Recht und Gerechtigkeit (PiS) änderte nach ihrem Sieg bei den polnischen Parlamentswahlen im Herbst 2015 innerhalb weniger Wochen das Mediengesetz und besetzte die Spitzenpositionen im öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk neu. Neues Personal gibt es auch bei den Nachrichtensendungen, die be
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reits auf Parteilinie gebracht sind. Die Regierung weist alle Kritik zurück und spricht von einer Entpolitisierung. Die Fakten sprechen eine andere Sprache." (Abstract)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, the vast majority of journalists in Mexico found it extremely or very important to report things as they are, followed in second place by the role of promoting tolerance and cultural diversity, and the role of advocating for social change in third pla
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ce. The fourth role to which Mexican journalist gave top importance in a most (5) to least (1) scale was to let people express their views, followed by the role of monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders in fifth place. The top roles show a rich mixture of adherence: from the classic Western roles of dissemination (reporting things as they are), to the roles more associated with mobilization and promotion of positive social outcomes (promoting tolerance or advocating for social change), followed by democratic roles such as serving as forum (let people express their views) and the watchdog function of the press (monitoring political leaders). There appears to be greater consensus around the ten most-popular roles, as shown by the relatively lower standard deviations, than in the bottom ten roles. This indicates the journalists who support those roles are unusual and the values they represent are a point of contention within the corps of journalists. For example, the least prioritized role was to convey a positive image of political leaders which however had a fairly high standard deviation, followed by the role of being an adversary to the government, which ranked in penultimate place in order of priority and had the second highest standard deviation of them all. This suggests some journalists consider both roles very important while others do not at all. The support of government policy was also the third least prioritized role, followed by that of providing entertainment and relaxation in fourth place and by the role of being a detached observer of events in fifth place of low priority, but which had the highest standard deviation of them all, suggesting very little agreement on how distant should journalists be from the stories they report on." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"Two basic principles should prevail for media regulation in Cambodia: 1. Consistent application of the principles of the rule of law on the basis of the constitutional rights of freedom of speech and press (Art. 35 and 41: Cambodian Constitution). 2. Transparent and predictable regulative decision-
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making that is oriented towards professional journalistic standards." (Executive summary)
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"This study contends that democracy and political change is deeply rooted in the mass media’s ability to become a major agent of political socialization that was capable of mobilizing local populations into changing longstanding African attitudes about politics and election outcome behaviors." (Pu
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blisher description)
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"Actualmente, México se compone en mayor medida de una población joven. Esto implica un beneficio considerable para el desarrollo económico del país; no obstante, la evolución hacia una sociedad encabezada por adultos mayores presenta un futuro lleno de desafíos, no solo económicos, sino publ
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icitarios, al considerar que un número importante de organizaciones enfocan sus esfuerzos publicitarios hacia sectores en edad productiva." (Página 2)
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"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fifth consecutive year, with more governments censoring information of public interest and placing greater demands on the private sector to take down offending content. State authorities have also jailed more users for their online writings, wh
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ile criminal and terrorist groups have made public examples of those who dared to expose their activities online. This was especially evident in the Middle East, where the public flogging of liberal bloggers, life sentences for online critics, and beheadings of internet-based journalists provided a powerful deterrent to the sort of digital organizing that contributed to the Arab Spring. In a new trend, many governments have sought to shift the burden of censorship to private companies and individuals by pressing them to remove content, often resorting to direct blocking only when those measures fail. Local companies are especially vulnerable to the whims of law enforcement agencies and a recent proliferation of repressive laws. But large, international companies like Google, Facebook, and Twitter have faced similar demands due to their significant popularity and reach." (Page 1)
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