"Like any authoritarian regime, the Philippine government uses various forms of digital authoritarianism to its advantage. The aim is to win the propaganda war against its perceived enemies so that it can continue implementing policies that are often detrimental to the ordinary folk. While the two i
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ncidents analysed in this research took place during the Duterte administration, the narrative frames asserted by state actors have persisted under the new administration of Marcos Jr. Marcos Jr. did not reverse Duterte’s actions. In fact, the same justifications have been peddled by the new officials in government, and even by online trolls with regard to the blocking of 27 websites and the practice of red-tagging. The same online vitriol against journalists and critics is being spread and amplified online under the new administration. The same pattern of attacks on the media has also been noted. According to human rights group Karapatan, the current Marcos Jr. administration seems intent on perpetuating different forms of authoritarianism to quell all forms of dissent." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"[...] The research has revealed that the incumbent Kyrgyz government is actively suppressing dissent by engaging in information manipulation, passing restrictive laws and attacking free media and investigative journalism. The Kyrgyz government has introduced new laws to regulate online activity, an
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d is proposing additional legislation on foreign agents to control and to limit the activity of NGOs and foreign media, and on mass media to gain greater control over bloggers and social media accounts with more than 5,000 followers. The government has been using the “Law on Protection from False Information,” also known as the fake news law, to silence its critics. This has included shutting down the website of Azattyk, a foreign-funded media outlet critical of the state, and detaining and censoring individuals who share or repost information critical of the government on social media. Similarly, investigative reporters in Kyrgyzstan have had to deal with multiple accusations, various attacks, or legal action taken against them. One of them, Temirov Bolot, was forced to leave Kyrgyzstan and move to Russia in November 2022.
Furthermore, the research has examined how the Kyrgyz leadership is exploiting social media platforms to launch influence campaigns and boost the president’s popularity. Pages and groups supportive of Zhaparov on various social media platforms, including Instagram, Telegram, Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp, have emerged with the aim of garnering backing for the president during critical moments, and are run by individuals associated with his informal network, while receiving funding from unknown pro-president groups or individuals. The support pages promote the current regime’s decisions and policies by creating pro-regime content (usually videos) that is disseminated through multiple social media platforms, while also commenting on contentious news items published by critical media channels. These videos are directed towards under-educated Kyrgyz-speaking people who tend to trust unverified sources, conveying unconfirmed and intentionally exaggerated information. Overall, the situation with media freedom and freedom of opinion in Kyrgyzstan is worsening and these developments are worrying because the country has been a champion of democratic reforms in the region since 1991." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"This report provides an overview of the most prolific instances of digital authoritarianism in Kenya. The report will debrief the most relevant actions and decisions taken by the Kenyan government in recent years that leverage the internet and technology in order to achieve certain political goals.
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The major incidents highlighted include communications and online surveillance, misuse of personal data and data breaches during elections, and misinformation and sponsored disinformation campaigns. Analysing how these actions are sanitised and justified by the government and how this is often permissible under Kenyan law. Further, looking into the harms and human rights abuses that arise from such incidents, this report concludes by analysing the general impact such actions have on democracy and civil liberties, and makes recommendations arising from the aforementioned analysis." (Executive summary)
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"Under the government of Rafael Correa, punitive measures were used systematically against the privately-owned press, and there were even emblematic prosecution cases that were later dealt with by international courts such as the El Universo case. However, Fundamedios and Fundación Periodistas Sin
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Cadenas continue to report that, even with Correa out of power, the Ecuadorian State continues to be journalists’ main aggressor. Therefore, it is vital to keep asking questions and not let the debate die with Correa out of power. Correa’s Communication Law, which went through profound modifications, showcases Ecuador’s political black-or-white thinking. The law was indeed used against journalists and the media, but when it was dismantled, it led to a problematic dichotomy between having more state or more self-regulated media. The latter eventually gained ground in the first year of Guillermo Lasso’s government. Also, other issues such as affirmative measures for community-led media, the role of public media, the distribution of frequencies of the radio electric spectrum, the broadcasting of intercultural content, all of which are needed to address communications as a whole, have been overshadowed." (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"This report analyses two major incidents: the disclosure that Pegasus spyware has been used against journalists from independent media outlets and representa tives of civil society, and Bukele’s legal advisor’s threats against two women journalists for not revealing anonymous sources included i
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n a news story. The second event represents a trend of online harassment and threats against women journalists promoted by President Bukele and public officials and replicated by Bukele’s supporters, troll centres, and pro-government influencers on social media. Through the analysis of these two main events, this report attempts to respond to the key research question: What are the main motives for, methods of, and responses to digital authoritarianism in El Salvador? Thus, this research identifies the major characteristics, strategies, and narratives interplaying in the configuration of digital authoritarianism in El Salvador. In conclusion, there is substantive evidence that Bukele and Bukelism are constructing a political project based on populism and authoritarian practices, and within this process, one key objective is to discredit the role of independent journalism, and, using spyware technologies such as Pegasus, to legally establish a monitoring system of critical voices and political opponents." (Executive summary)
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"With the crackdown on radio, TV, and newspapers since 2007, the Venezuelan population is largely dependent on digital spaces: social media is generally the main source of information across the country, and digital media has taken over other types of press and completely changed the media ecosystem
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in Venezuela. However, digital authoritarianism has rapidly advanced in the country since 2014, with Maduro’s arrival in power. Within Venezuela’s political and economic crisis, complex humanitarian emergency, and polarised context, digital authoritarianism is used to crack down on dissident voices and control freedom of expression, press, and opinion. Strategies behind digital authoritarianism in Venezuela range from internet blocking against digital media, censorship, the detention of people who use social media to express themselves against Maduro’s government, electrical outages that hinder internet access, surveillance of private communications without legal justification, electoral manipulation through technology, and misinformation and disinformation campaigns, to inorganic promotion through paid social media users. Venezuela’s opposition parties also take part in misinformation and export digital propaganda to countries like El Salvador." (Analysis and conclusion)
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"This research indicates that the government criminalises free speech by using a vague and broad definition of fake news, and clamps down on dissent and criticism, and that journalists who criticise the government are seen as enemies of the state — as in the case of the jailing of Kingsley Fomunyu
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y Njoka. This was evident during the conflict in the Anglophone regions in 2017. Internet throttling was also used during the 2018 elections. Online surveillance has been used to track down and arrest Cameroonians who criticise the president and state authority, citing the cybersecurity and cyber criminality law. Journalists have been arrested and jailed for social media posts. The lucky ones have been freed, some fled the country but many more are still in jail in connection with issues related to freedom of expression, information, and opinion on and offline." (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"Authoritarian practices are not strictly limited to authoritarian states; they are employed by regimes that span the political spectrum. The research approach argues for expanding the understanding of key authoritarian strategies to include persuasion alongside coercion and cooptation, which are id
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entified in academic literature as key approaches to consolidating power and building stability in authoritarian states. States are not only restricting access to information technologies, but are also actively investing in technologies of control, as well as shaping media ecosystems. States employ a range of strategies that often work in combination, such as: restricting information access, targeting expression, and pushing narratives. State opacity about the extent of their repressive capacities is a feature, not a bug. This allows states to make claims about their capabilities that create fear and distrust even if inaccurate or untrue. The combined use of information technologies to surveil, censor, and shape information ecosystems aid in “preventative repression,” making resistance and opposition more difficult and costly. Policy recommendations to help resist authoritarian practices face the complicated challenge of how to regulate dual-use and surveillance technologies that were developed for security and commercial applications, but that also facilitate authoritarian practices. There is an active debate about whether surveillance for commercial or consumer purposes, border controls and policing is mostly or inherently authoritarian in practice." (Summary of observations, page 6-7)
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"Unruly Speech explores how Uyghurs in China and in the diaspora transgress sociopolitical limits with "unruly" communication practices in a quest for change. Drawing on research in China, the United States, and Germany, Saskia Witteborn situates her study against the backdrop of displacement and sh
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ows how naming practices and witness accounts become potent ways of resistance in everyday interactions and in global activism. Featuring the voices of Uyghurs from three continents, Unruly Speech analyzes the discursive and material force of place names, social media, surveillance, and the link between witnessing and the discourse on human rights. The book provides a granular view of disruptive communication: its global political moorings and socio-technical control. The rich ethnographic study will appeal to audiences interested in migration and displacement, language and social interaction, advocacy, digital surveillance, and a transnational China." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing on cases from across the continent, contributors explore the form and nature of social media and government censorship, often via antisocial media laws, or less overt tactics such as state cybersurveillance, spyware attacks on social media activists, or the artful deployment of the rhetoric
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of "fake news" as a smokescreen to muzzle critical voices. The book also reflects on the Chinese influence in African governments’ clampdown on social media and the role of Israeli NSO Group Technologies, as well as the tactics and technologies which activists and users are deploying to resist or circumvent social media censorship." (Publisher description)
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"Threats associated with the consumer Internet of Things (IoT) may particularly inhibit the work and wellbeing of journalists, especially because of the danger of technological surveillance and the imperative to protect confidential sources. These issues may have knock-on effects on societal stabili
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ty and democratic processes if press freedom is eroded. Still, journalists remain unaware of potential IoT threats, and so are unable to incorporate them into risk assessments or to advise their sources. This shows a clear gap in the literature, requiring immediate attention. This article therefore identifies and organises distinctive and novel threats to journalism from the consumer IoT. The article presents a novel conceptualisation of threats to the press in six categories: regulatory gaps, legal threats, profiling threats, tracking threats, data and device modification threats and networked device threats. Each of the threats in these categories includes a description and hypothetical consequences that include real-life ways in which IoT devices can be used to inhibit journalistic work, building on interdisciplinary literature analysis and expert interviews. In so doing, this article synthesises technical information about IoT device capabilities with human security and privacy requirements tailored to a specific at-risk population: journalists. It is therefore important for cyber science scholarship to address the contemporary and emerging risks associated with IoT devices to vulnerable groups such as journalists. This exploratory conceptualisation enables the evidence-based conceptual evolution of understandings of cyber security risks to journalists." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of this study is to investigate the extent of digital surveillance by Arab authorities, which face risks and threats of surveillance, and how journalists seek to press freedom by using tools and techniques to communicate securely. Design/methodology/approach: The study used focus group
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discussions with 14 journalists from Syria, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Yemen, Oman, Jordan and Egypt. While in Egypt, questionnaires were distributed to 199 journalists from both independent and semi-governmental outlets to investigate how Egyptian journalists interpret the new data protection law and its implications for press freedom. Findings: The study indicated that journalists from these countries revealed severe censorship by their respective governments, an element inconsistent with the Arab Constitution. The recommendation of the study encourages media organisations to play a more active role in setting policies that make it easier for journalists to adopt and use digital security tools, while Egyptian journalists see the law as a barrier to media independence because it allows the government to exercise greater information control through digital policy and imposes regulatory rules on journalists. Practical implications: The study identifies practical and theoretical issues in Arab legislation and may reveal practices of interest to scientists researching the balance between data protection, the right of access to information and media research as an example of contemporary government indirect or ‘‘soft’’ censorship methods. Originality/value: To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is one of the first research contributions to analyse the relationships between Arab authoritarians who used surveillance to restrict freedom of the press after the Arab Spring revolutions of 2011 to keep themselves in power as long as they could. In addition, Egypt’s use of surveillance under new laws allowed the regimes to install software on the journalists’ phones that enabled them to read the files and emails and track their locations; accordingly, journalists can be targeted by the cyberattack and can be arrested." (Abstract)
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"Digital transformations have had catalytic efects on African and European governance, economies, and societies, and will continue to do so. The COVID-19 pandemic has already accelerated the penetration of digital tools all over the globe and is likely to be perceived as a critical juncture in how a
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nd to what purpose the world accepts and uses new and emerging technologies. This book ofers a holistic analysis of how Africa and Europe can manage and harness digital transformation as partners in a globalised world. The authors shed light on issues ranging from economic growth, youth employment, and gender, to regulatory frameworks, business environments, entrepreneurship, and interest-driven power politics. They add much-needed perspectives to the debates that shape the two continents’ digital transformation and innovation environments." (Publisher description)
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"This special edition honours the efforts of various state and non-state actors in the promotion of internet freedom in Africa. The report takes a deep dive into the dynamic landscape of internet freedom on the African continent and offers contextual information and evidence to inform ICT policymaki
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ng and practice, creates awareness on internet freedom issues on the continent, and shapes conversations by digital rights actors across the continent. Through a series of essays, authors in this special issue of the report reflect on the past 10 years on the state of Internet freedom in Africa, exploring various thematic issues around digital rights, including surveillance, privacy, censorship, disinformation, infrastructure, access, advocacy, online safety, internet shutdowns, among others. Authors featured in the report include, Admire Mare, Amanda Manyame, Blaise Pascal Andzongo Menyeng, Rima Rouibi, Victor Kapiyo, Felicia Anthonio. Richard Ngamita, Nanjala Nyabola, Professor Bitange Ndemo, Paul Kimumwe, and Edrine Wanyama. The report maps the way ahead for digital rights in Africa and the role that different stakeholders need to play to realise the Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa and Declaration 15 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development on leveraging digital technologies to accelerate human progress, bridge the digital divide, and develop knowledge societies." (Publisher description)
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"Saudi Arabia and the UAE are the leading exponents of digital authoritarianism in the Middle East. The two states have intensified their collaboration with China and Israel to gain greater access to advanced technologies. The EU has responded to concerns about the risks of new technologies with a r
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aft of regulations on digital markets and services, artificial intelligence, and technology exports. The fact that European governments have been targeted, and implicated, in NSO Group’s Pegasus scandal should sound the alarm about the global threat of digital authoritarianism. The EU should treat the threat as an urgent security and political concern." (Summary)
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"The Zimbabwean state has in recent years stepped up its surveillance efforts on citizens, civil society and journalists who are viewed as the “enemies of the state”. This state surveillance has been argued to infringe on citizens’ right to privacy and access to information. We are mindful tha
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t the “Second Republic” or the “New Dispensation” government has invested heavily in surveillance to silence its critics, among them activists, opposition leaders and journalists. Based on this, the study critically examines the use of surveillance strategies by Zimbabwean journalists and assesses the challenges and opportunities. The study uses in-depth interviews with selected journalists from Zimpapers, Alpha Media Holdings and freelance journalists around the country. The data show that journalists in Zimbabwe use different surveillance strategies, while some are benefiting from state sources for surveillance. Journalists further indicated that they live in fear of the state, which tracks them down. As a result, however, journalists have resorted to various means of security, which include “hunting in packs” and deploying digital security strategies. Findings further demonstrate that newsrooms are poorly equipped with technology for surveillance." (Abstract)
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"The stories that make up this text offer an approach to the resistances and resiliencies that have arisen in Mexico, covering different manifestations of digital violence in the voices of people representing initiatives and communities that have been victimized through technologies that the state h
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as used to persecute those who defend human rights or seek justice in our country. Through these experiences in common, we hope that more people will have access to the information that we, as members of organized civil society, share with each other to generate impact and accompaniment strategies. We hope that these experiences will inspire other projects that will allow us to confront this violence and transform the structures that govern us. In the following pages, we will share stories of abuse, dispossession and repression, but we will also share testimonies of dignity and resistance. In a country where impunity has been normalized in the face of the sociopolitical violence exercised by the state, it is necessary to name the different forms it takes in order to build and share strategies that allow us to confront it and protect our rights. We still have a long way to go in this search for justice; nevertheless, experience has also given us lessons on the importance of creating communities in order to advance down this road together. To create community, we need to build trust; to create resilience, we need to preserve memory." (Introduction, page 11-12)
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"Surveillance of journalists has become a very topical and controversial issue that now requires attention at a number of levels – the level of the state, CSOs, and journalism organisations themselves. The systematic and arbitrary harvesting of journalists’ information, tracking and targeting of
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journalists is on the increase especially in the SADC region where some regimes seek to retain control of the media and stifle divergent views and suffocate opponents. In countries such as Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Malawi, there is deep-rooted fear that enacted cyber laws are already being used for surveillance purposes. For instance, South Africa uses the RICA Act to regulate the interception of communication and Zimbabwe has the Interception of Communications Act while Zambia deploys the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act of 2009. Thus, anecdotal evidence in Southern Africa shows that governments in the region are increasingly resorting to digital tools for surveillance and this is a serious cause for concern. At least three Southern African countries; Botswana, Zambia, and Zimbabwe have acquired sophisticated tools developed by an Israeli company, Circles, which they use to monitor the behavior of their citizens online. This calls for journalists, their organisations and other media- support institutions to act in ways that protect journalists from surveillance, be it by state or non-state agency. There is need, therefore, to come up with a toolkit of strategies that journalists in Southern Africa can make use of in quotidian news gathering and reporting practices." (Introduction)
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"India’s “techade” does show signs of digital authoritarianism that can potentially have farreaching implications for politics, civil liberties and society. At the same time, these are not new challenges for the country. In the past, the Indian government has attempted to surveil, monitor, and
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censor citizens. Here, state power is like water that will fall through any cracks and holes in the system. The system will either flourish or get contaminated based on the nature of the water. This report shows how COVID-19, protests, and major political incidents provide a ripe avenue for expanding state power. The larger socio-political context, one filled with concerns about a decline in democratic values, secularism, and civil liberties, will determine the extent of harm, who gets harmed, and the ability to respond. India’s lack of solid legal frameworks governing key technologies allows authorities to further exert power. As seen in the case of Aadhaar, facial recognition systems, and Aarogya Setu, legislative backing is an afterthought. However, by then, significant damage is already done. Any adverse impact on digital and civil rights will be felt most by vulnerable groups and those critical of the government. Besides the lack of legal structures, as seen through the report, the law is also used to expand state power. Further, as analysed in this report, private players supplying surveillance technologies, and social media giants enable digital authoritarianism in the country." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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