"Die Publikation führt in die Thematiken einer feministischen Netzpolitik ein und zeigt deren Potentiale auf. Zudem unternimmt sie den Versuch, einen neuen Gesellschaftsvertrag des Digitalen zu entwerfen. Anhand von zwei zentralen Themen- und Diskussionsfeldern, „Digitale Gewalt“ und „Überwa
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chung versus Privatheit“ wird ein Ausblick auf eine geschlechtergerechte digitale Gesellschaft gegeben. Netzpolitik für und in der digitalen Gesellschaft ist einem steten Wandel unterworfen. Als klassisches Politikfeld noch im Entstehen, fehlen bislang tiefergehende feministische Analysen für diesen Prozess. Die Publikation zeichnet bisherige feministische Perspektiven, etwa Cyberfeminismus oder Netzfeminismus, nach." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"There is no question that we must address the issues of child safety, disinformation, national security, and criminal activity in the digital age. However, even if the stated end goal for mandating encryption backdoors is legitimate, the means must be necessary and proportionate. Deliberately intro
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ducing security weaknesses in encrypted systems fails this test. Weakening encryption will create more dangers than it will prevent. Further, there is no evidence base for claiming that breaking encryption will achieve the desired outcomes. At best, exceptional access to encrypted content will only serve as a short-term or partial solution for law enforcement. As we have explained in this brief, encryption is a vital tool for the protection of human rights, democracy, cybersecurity, and the economy. The right to privacy and the right to freedom of expression are basic human rights, and in today’s digital world, we cannot meaningfully separate these rights from the need for secure online communication channels that are free from undue surveillance. Encryption is a crucial building block for a secure technological infrastructure, and governments should promote its use, not repeatedly seek to undermine it." (Conclusion, page 16)
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"This report has documented the surveillance measures and practices in Kenya and Uganda during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. The key trends include poor oversight over COVID-19 data collection, the lack of independent data protection authorities, the use of telecommunications data to ‘t
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rack and trace’ individuals, the surveillance of public spaces using CCTV and biometric technologies, the possession of broad search powers by medical and public health officers, and a lack of transparency and accountability by state and nonstate actors. Also, the coronavirus apps deployed in both countries presented new challenges including their limited impact and effectiveness, non-compliance of the apps with privacy standards, their inadequate privacy policies, and a lack of transparency in partnerships. While international human rights law and the constitutions in both countries guarantee the protection of the rights to privacy, data protection, and freedom of expression and information, these were not complied with during the pandemic period. The result is an overall expansion of the surveillance environment in Kenya and Uganda, leading to interference with, and infringements and violations of these rights, a situation which is worrying if left unchanged." (Conclusion, page 20)
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"Technologists at Amnesty Tech’s Security Lab were able to identify traces of NSO’s “zero-click” attacks (malware infections that require no interaction with the target) through cutting edge forensic analysis, including by linking these new attacks to previously documented attacks on human r
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ights defenders (HRDs) using NSO Group software.3 This project was a crucial and overdue breakthrough of transparency in an industry stubbornly resistant to it, which relied on the collaborative efforts of all involved. It is important to note, however, that the success of such investigative efforts was never guaranteed, and these disclosures cannot represent the only form of check on industry participants and state actors. The stories published as a result of this collaboration speak for themselves. In this briefing, Amnesty International’s goal is to contribute to the discussion by highlighting some of the key insights from the perspective of international law, particularly international human rights law, that come out of the reporting and technical analyses. These include: the improper breadth of targeting under international human rights law, which is also out of line with the company’s stated rationale of selling its products to help its clients combat crime, including terrorism-related conduct; the clandestine nature of the tool that facilitates its illegal use and operation; the serious human rights violations that have resulted; the total impunity of states and companies in deploying this targeted digital surveillance tool; and the failure of states to fulfil their obligation to protect them from this unlawful hacking and surveillance." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Journalists, across the world, are ever more at risk of surveillance from state and non-state antagonists. However, to work safely in a monitored environment is a substantial challenge for journalists. In such regimes, journalists and media organizations are often prone to attacks by the state auth
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orities. Surveillance, no matter real or implied, the presence of state panopticon power is felt strongly by the journalists, especially in competitive authoritarian countries like Pakistan. While international organizations monitoring media freedom and journalists’ protection do regularly highlight the increasing surveillance of Pakistani journalists, it is imperative to investigate the way they experience it in their real lives and its implications for them. Thus, informed by the theoretical approaches of panopticism, post-panopticism and competitive authoritarianism, this study aims to address the journalists’ lived experiences of surveillance and its impacts on their professional and personal lives in Pakistan. To accomplish these aims, this study uses the qualitative methods of document review and in-depth interviews, and offers a thematic analysis of the gathered data." (Abstract)
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"This edited volume presents ground-breaking empirical research on the media in political transition in Tunisia, Turkey and Morocco. Focusing on developments in the wake of the region’s upheavals in 2011, it offers a new theoretical framework for understanding mediascapes in the confessional and h
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ybrid-authoritarian systems of the Middle East. In this book, media scholars focus on three themes: the media’s structure as an expression of governance, the media’s function as a reflection of the market, and the media’s agency in communicating between power and the public. The result is a unique addition to the literature on two counts. Firstly, analysis of similar players, issues and processes in each country produces a thematically consistent comparative assessment of the media’s role across the southern Mediterranean region. The first cross-country comparison of specific media practices in the Middle East, it covers issues such as women in talk shows, media’s relationship with surveillance, and comparative practices of media regulation. Secondly, actualising the idea that media reflects the society that produces it, the studies here draw on field data to lay the foundations for a new theory of media, Values and Status Negotiation (VSN), which evolved from the region’s unique characteristics and practices, and offers an alternative to prevailing Western-centric approaches to media analysis." (Publisher description)
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"Internet surveillance has become a crucial issue for journalism. The “Snowden moment” has shed light on the risks that journalists and their sources face while communicating online and has shown how journalists themselves can be targets of surveillance operations or other forms of malicious dig
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ital attacks from different actors. More recent revelations, such as those coming from the “Pegasus Project”, have underlined even more dangerous threats posed to the safety of journalists, increasingly targeted with spyware technology. Due to the sensitivity of their work and sources and given their strong “watchdog” role in democracies, investigative reporters are in a particularly dangerous position when it comes to the potential chilling effects of surveillance on their work of journalists. This paper analyzes investigative journalists’ views and self-reflections on the impacts of Internet surveillance on their work by means of in-depth qualitative interviews with reporters affiliated with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) and working in Italy, Germany, Hungary, Spain, Switzerland, and the UK. The paper touches on different angles of the Internet surveillance issue by analyzing journalists’ concerns about national and international surveillance players and the overall impact of surveillance on news work." (Abstract)
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"China’s Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP) operates in Xinjiang by collecting Big Data and alerting authorities to those it deems potentially harmful to the CCP regime. It does so through two major devices: the mobile phone, and the camera. These act as tools of disablement constraining
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Uighur mobility and settlement. Uighurs are now obligated to carry smartphones, on which police mandate “nanny apps” to monitor Uighurs through their devices. The Jingwang (“cleansing the web”) app not only tracks Uighurs’ movement, but also records and extracts all messages, internet use, contacts, photographs, and files. These are then amalgamated by IJOP which uses keyword searches to compare the data to its list of potential crimes, which include prayer, visiting banned websites, and other petty accusations. IJOP then decides who is considered a threat and will thus be arrested, and who will simply continue to be monitored." (Page 6)
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"The report documents the threats to civil society in the digital age by examining the legislative and regulatory framework in four countries in Africa: Egypt, Sierra Leone, Uganda and Zambia. These countries were selected from the four main geographic regions of Africa, in order to provide a sense
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of the state of civic engagement in the digital age across the continent. The case studies are clearly not representative of what is happening on the continent, but are illustrative of some prominent trends. The recommendations emanating from the research call for the states to revise and repeal identified restrictive laws and align them with international standards. Civil society organisations and human rights activists are also encouraged to enhance their individual and organizational digital knowledge and expertise to more robust counter disruptive state measures. This expertise should be enhanced through a human rights lens and should extend to other stakeholders including judicial officers, legislators, law enforcement and the general public through sustained multi-stakeholder engagement." (Executive summary, pages 7-8)
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"Drawing on Reese’s hierarchy of influences model, this study investigates the extent to which safety risks and digital surveillance result in journalists’ self-censorship in Pakistan. This study also explores the key areas of journalists’ self-censorship in the country and how it affects thei
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r right to freedom of expression. To achieve these objectives, the study uses the quantitative method of survey and the qualitative method of in-depth interviews. The study uses relative frequency statistics and thematic analysis to analyse the survey and interview data respectively. This study reveals that journalists’ self-censorship is related to diverse safety risks (especially physical, financial, legal, topic-specific and public risks) and to digital surveillance by the government, military and its intelligence agencies. This study also highlights that most of the Pakistani journalists are not trained for digitally safe and encrypted communication, which indicates a pressing need for journalists’ education in order to avoid any foreseeable digital and other types of risks." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the perceptions of Nigerian journalists towards the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 and the governments’ online surveillance. The study employs survey and interview methods: 217 Nigerian media practitioners selected from print and online media responded to the questionnaire
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while ten key informants were interviewed. The findings revealed that a majority of the respondents are concerned about the government’s effort in suppressing freedom of expression. They believe that personal interest rather than national interest constitutes the basis for the government’s online surveillance and the proposed new Press Council Bill, which a majority believe will gag the press and restrict freedom of expression in Nigeria. A majority of the respondents also consider the government’s online surveillance an impediment to their professional duties and a violation of their privacy. Hence, they believe that it is not unlikely that their digital presence has been tracked and monitored by government security agencies. As a result, respondents have resorted to avoiding certain topics considered critical of government while also avoiding activities on social media that may be considered controversial or suspicious. Hence, respondents believe protecting the anonymity of their sources and disguising their digital footprints are the needed safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"The Chinese state has demonstrated a propensity for controlling and shaping the information environment of the Chinese diaspora—including via WeChat. The meteoric growth of TikTok has now put the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in a position from which it can shape the information environment on a
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largely non-Chinese-speaking platform—with the help of the highest valued start-up in the world and its opaque advanced AI-powered algorithm. Chinese party-state leverage over these companies is considerable, is exercised internally via CCP committees and is enforced by a suite of cybersecurity and intelligence laws. As Chinese companies, Tencent and ByteDance are not only required to participate in intelligence work, but they’re also legally mandated to promote CCP propaganda. China’s censorship and propaganda apparatus is a responsibility that’s pushed down to media and technology companies such as Tencent and ByteDance. As Chinese companies, they’re obligated to comply with strict government regulations on what content is allowed to be published on their platforms, and they both invest heavily in automated systems for content filtering and human curation. The demands of the PRC’s surveillance and propaganda apparatus on these technology companies are such that, at least in the case of WeChat, they’re even prepared to surveil the foreign users of their apps in order to better train the censorship algorithms used on Chinese citizens within the PRC." (Conclusion, page 47)
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"Concerns surrounding the threats that digital platforms pose to the functioning of Western liberal democracies have grown since the 2016 U.S. election. Yet despite a preponderance of academic work in this area, the precise nature of these threats, empirical solutions for their redress, and their re
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lationship to the wider digital political economy remain undertheorized. This article addresses these gaps with a semisystematic literature review that identifies and defines four prominent threats—fake news, filter bubbles/echo chambers, online hate speech, and surveillance—and constructs a typology of “workable solutions” for combating these threats that highlights the tendency to silo technical, regulatory, or culturally embedded approaches." (Abstract)
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"Artificial intelligence (AI) has become an increasingly important tool for shaping and arbitrating online information. It is increasingly, and often invisibly, used by both public authorities and private companies, and greatly impacts the way people seek, receive, impart and access information. Cou
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pled with its ability to identify, surveil and track people, AI can seriously impede on the right to freedom of expression. This #SAIFE Paper puts a spotlight on AI and freedom of expression, and provides guidance and preliminary recommendations on how to effectively safeguard free speech when AI is deployed." (Back cover)
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"Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstra
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tes how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation." (Publisher description)
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"The present report traces the development from the first bans on content in 2012 to the present day. It shows how critical editorial teams are put under pressure and how the authorities attempt to silence individual journalists and bloggers. It provides information about new online media that repor
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t on societal ills against all odds, and it raises the question about the relevance of international platforms for the freedom of expression in Russia. This report is based on about 30 interviews with journalists and activists, lawyers and human rights defenders conducted by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Germany press officer Ulrike Gruska and RSF Germany board member Gemma Pörzgen in Moscow and Berlin." (Preface)
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