"Die vorliegende Studie untersucht die Entwicklungen der Diasporagemeinschaften aus Osteuropa, die in Deutschland und seinen östlichen EU-Nachbarländern seit 2020 an Größe und Bedeutung gewinnen – bedingt durch politische Krisen und Repressionen im autokratisch regierten Belarus und Russland u
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nd den Krieg in der Ukraine. Die Studie beschreibt Herausforderungen, Bedürfnisse und Potenziale dieser Gemeinschaften und fragt, inwiefern emigrierte bzw. im Exil lebende Kulturtätige als „Brückenbauer:innen“ den kulturellen Austausch in Zeiten von Konflikten und schrumpfenden Handlungsräumen (shrinking spaces) unterstützen und die interkulturelle Verständigung nachhaltig fördern können. Analysiert werden sowohl gruppenbezogene Rahmenbedingungen und Formen der deutsch-belarussischen, deutsch-russischen und deutsch-ukrainischen kulturellen Zusammenarbeit als auch länder- wie gruppenübergreifende Strategien und Projekte, die die einzelnen Diaspora-Vertreter:innen in Verbindung bringen (können) und dialogfähig sind. Das Hauptaugenmerk liegt dabei auf (1) der Einbindung der osteuropäischen Kulturtätigen in den deutschen Kulturbetrieb, (2) möglichen internationalen Kooperationen auf EU-Ebene und (3) dem Erhalt zivilgesellschaftlicher Räume in Herkunftsregionen und im Exil." (Zusammenfassung)
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"For decades, Georgia has been one of the largest per capita recipients of U.S. assistance. In 2012-2023, the years in which the Georgian Dream has been in power, total U.S. overseas development assistance (ODA) stands at USD 1 billion 920 mil lion, according to official data. Of course, the lion’
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s share of that assistance went to the government and public administration. In 2023, the U.S. government disbursed USD 143.8 million in aid to Georgia, with USD 84.5 million flowing through USAID as the primary administra tive channel. USD 77 million of that was allocated to governance-related programs, but where did all that money go? Once again, most of the assistance went to the government and public administration. To give a representative example in 2023, the last fiscal year when complete data is available, the largest share, at USD 42 million, was spent under “conflict, peace, and security” umbrella, while USD 34 million fell under “government and civil society.” Of this amount, USD 15 million support ed democratic participation and civil society, USD 6.5 million went toward legal and judicial develop ment, and USD 3.5 million was directed at media and freedom of information. Human rights programs received USD 2.1 million, while decentralization efforts got USD 600,000. Meanwhile, USD 470,000 was allocated to domestic revenue mo bilization and USD 450,000 was used to combat transnational organized crime [...] Our considered estimate is that over 2,000 Georgians are likely to lose jobs due to culling USAID, given the average number of programs, grants, and sub-grants, and the average number of people required to implement them. Most of them are qualified (first and medium-level) project and program managers with foreign language skills as well as administrative personnel (e.g., financial officers), and other support professions (e.g., media managers)." (Pages 1-3)
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"This book examines how civil society engages with transitional justice in Russia, demonstrating a broad range of roles civil society can undertake while operating in a restrictive political context. Based on sociolegal research, the study focuses on three types of civil society groups dealing with
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the legacies of the Soviet repression in Russia – a prominent organisation that works on recovering historical truth, the International Memorial; a parish of the Orthodox Church of Russia operating at a former mass execution and mass burial site, the Church at Butovo; and contentious groups that could hinder attempts at reckoning and promote state narratives built on the Stalinist and WWII victory myths. This book explores an often-overlooked case of Russia’s transitional justice ‘from below.’ It provides insights into how even in authoritarian contexts, civil society can adopt imaginative, piecemeal, and at times unconventional ways of seeking justice outside and in the absence of official and institutionalised transitional justice measures." (Publisher description)
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"At a time when uneven power dynamics are high on development actors' agenda, this book will be an important contribution to researchers and practitioners working on innovation in development and civil society. While there is much discussion of localization, decolonization and 'shifting power' in ci
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vil society collaborations in development, the debate thus far centers on the aid system. This book directs attention to CSOs as drivers of development in various contexts that we refer to as the Global South. This book take a transformative stance, reimagining roles, relations and processes. It does so from five complementary angles: (1) Southern CSOs reclaiming the lead, 2) displacement of the North-South dyad, (3) Southern-centred questions, (4) new roles for Northern actors, and (5) new starting points for collaboration. The book relativizes international collaboration, asking INGOs, Northern CSOs, and their donors to follow Southern CSOs' leads, recognizing their contextually geared perspectives, agendas, resources, capacities, and ways of working. Based in 19 empirically grounded chapters, the book also offers an agenda for further research, design, and experimentation. Emphasizing the need to 'Start from the South' this book thus re-imagines and re-centers Civil Society collaborations in development, offering Southern-centred ways of understanding and developing relations, roles, and processes, in theory and practice." (Publisher description)
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"[This book] addresses the long-standing puzzle of why China outlived other one-party authoritarian regimes with particular attention to how the state manages an emerging civil society. Drawing upon over 1,200 survey responses conducted in 126 villages in the Sichuan province, as well as 70 intervie
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ws conducted with Civil Society Organization (CSO) leaders and government officials, participant observation, and online research, the book proposes a new theory of interactive authoritarianism to explain how an adaptive authoritarian state manages nascent civil society. Sun argues that when new phenomena and forces are introduced into Chinese society, the Chinese state adopts a three-stage interactive approach toward societal actors: toleration, differentiation, and legalization without institutionalization. Sun looks to three disruptions-earthquakes, internet censorship, and social-media-based guerilla resistance to the ride-sharing industry-to test his theory about the three-stage interactive authoritarian approach and argues that the Chinese government evolves and consolidates its power in moments of crisis." (Publisher description)
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"Das Open Access Buch bietet eine aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme zum freiwilligen Engagement in Deutschland. Die Ergebnisse basieren auf dem Deutschen Freiwilligensurvey, der zum fünften Mal im Jahr 2019 durchgeführt wurde und vom Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend (BMFSFJ) gef
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ördert wird. Die Autor:innen klären Fragen wie: Wer engagiert sich aus welchen Beweggründen? Wie ist freiwilliges Engagement ausgestaltet und wie hat sich freiwilliges Engagement gewandelt? Wie gestaltet sich der Zusammenhang von politischer Partizipation sowie Einstellungen zur Demokratie mit dem freiwilligen Engagement?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"[...] This edition of the MFWA’s Media and Governance Series, explores the shrinking civic space in West Africa; the growing issues contributing to the shrinking civic space as well as its impact on the media landscape and citizens. It also suggests key actions required of stakeholders such as go
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vernments, civil society organisations, the media and ECOWAS to stem or reverse the downward trend for a stronger democracy in West Africa." (Introduction, page 4)
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"In 10 Kapiteln werden traditionelle und neue Erscheinungsformen der Zivilgesellschaft einander gegenübergestellt. Als Folien dienen ein analytisches Bereichskonzept von Zivilgesellschaft, die Hirschmansche Einteilung in ‚loyal, exit, voice‘ und die im Maecenata Institut entwickelte Funktionsdi
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fferenzierung. In Anlehnung an das Habermassche Konzept der deliberativen Demokratie wird die politische Dimension von Zivilgesellschaft herausgestellt. Vermittelt werden sollen Grundlagen, Strömungen, Diskurse und Verknüpfungsansätze, die das soziale Phänomen beschreiben, einordnen und theoretisch begründen. Dazu werden die maßgeblichen Autoren mit ihren Kernaussagen vorgestellt und die Diskurse und Forschungslinien beleuchtet, die die Theoriebildung und Praxisentwicklung zur Zivilgesellschaft bestimmt haben. Die Vielseitigkeit der Herangehensweise und die damit verbundene interdisziplinäre Anknüpfbarkeit bieten Chancen für vielseitige Erkenntnisgewinne." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The 10 countries included in this paper all show specific characteristics and contexts but also show similar barriers. Identifying shared characteristics will facilitate the development of shared approaches to deal with shrinking space. Don’t work in silos!
It’s (also) about upholding the law:
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Lobbying parliament and the government to adopt pro-civic space laws can only be part of a solution. Actions to defend civic space must also target the political will and means to uphold the law.
Target state and non-state actors: Campaigns to promote and protect civic space should target both state and non-state actors.
Analyze the international level: The analysis of civic space infringements should go beyond the national level. Changes to civic space are also the result of international developments, like the war on terror following 9/11, the international war on drugs, the globalization of (the fight against) crime and money laundering, the growth of foreign direct investment (e.g. in land). That international level can be operationalized.
Use innovative strategies: Some organizations mention new, innovative ways of reconquering civic space, involving new target groups. There are inspiring examples of CSOs engaging the creative sector and the arts as a way to achieve societal change. Involve art and pop culture. Seek cross-fertilization between CSOs and (new) media.
Collect best practices: To facilitate shared learning an inventory of strategies and practical methods (best practices) used by civic actors to deal with shrinking civic space would be useful. New approaches, tips and strategies should be shared within a global network of likeminded organizations." (Conclusions and observations, page 11)
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"This publication documents how authorities have stepped up censorship of the media and arbitrarily arrested and, in some cases, prosecuted journalists and activists perceived to be government critics. They have also exerted tighter control over NGOs and political opposition parties. The repression
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has effectively silenced critics and activists. The report calls on the Tanzanian government to take steps to protect the rights of freedom of expression and association, particularly ahead of elections, including by refraining from public rhetoric hostile to human rights issues; urgently reversing the pattern of repression and taking measures to stop the arbitrary arrest and harassment of journalists, NGO representatives and other activists, and political opposition members; and reforming repressive laws." (Back cover)
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"Overall, the program set out what it achieved to do—namely to strengthen the institutional capacity of civil society organizations to improve their credibility, visibility, effectiveness and sustainability. There is evidence that many partner CSOshave refined theirmission, developed a multi-year
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strategic plan, a communications plan, a gender policy and an HR policy. In addition, they are beginning to integrate new financial reporting and M&E structures. All of the partner CSOs have improved their sustainability byreceiving additional funds to continue their work, and many of them hav developed strategies to diversify their revenue generation, such as expanding their offices to rent out board rooms. A number of organizations are eager to pass their new knowledge onto others, with many training peer CSOs on what they learned through the Search program. Finally, the program was effective in improving their own confidence, with all of the partner CSOs expressing their appreciation of the program, and in particular the freedom they had to define their own priorities and objectives.A number of lessons emerged during the course of implementation that are relevant for Search’s future work in civil society strengthening, as well as for other organizations working in this sector: 1. The participatory benchmarking approach is useful to help organizations track improvments in their organziational capacity over time. However, there was a tendency for CSOs to overstate what was possible within a limited timeframe. As a result, benchmarks were not consistently met, and many of the capacity-related development were not fully institutionalized by the project end. 2. The integration of radio programs with other civil society organizing approaches—town hall meetings, workshops, and house to house outreach—is an effective way to improve awareness and engagement of citizens in governance reform issues on a mass scale. 3. Programs to improve the capacity and sustainability of CSOs, and to professionalize the sector, are crucial but often overlooked, in efforts to improve local governance in fragile and trasitional countries such as Liberia. 4. There is a need to continue efforts to link civil society actors together for cohesive action and to further improve the enabling environment for civil society in Liberia by providing opportunities for CSOs to develop strategic collaborations, improve organizational capacity development, and attract donor funds to support their work." (Conclusions)
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"Civil society groups from the Global South are leading the charge to advocate for an Internet that remains open, pluralistic, and democratic. The nine case studies highlighted in this report demonstrate various ways groups in different countries have successfully fought for policies and norms that
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strengthen Internet freedom and digital rights. These strategies include awareness-raising, nonviolent direct action, regional and international coalition-building, and strategic litigation." (Key findings)
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"The vast majority of survey respondents, irrespective of their gender and geographical location, recognized the importance of media, particularly electronic media. They acknowledged media role in keeping people informed, entertained and opinion formation. Although people heralded the media for focu
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sing on some burning issues related to women, marginalized and deprived groups of people, they were aware of the weaknesses of the sector arising from political pressure and polarization, and the lack of professional competence and ethics. They hope for the media to be more neutral and provide accurate news and information with a local focus. While women agreed that media contributed to their well-being, marginalized communities did not feel they were adequately represented by the media in voicing issues and concerns particular to them. Electronic media (television, radio and mobile phones) was found most popular among respondents and participants, and they felt FM radio stations and content distributed over mobile phones, were most likely to influence people, their thoughts, ideas, opinions. Print media, especially newspapers, were still popular in the urban areas whereas social media was gaining popularity throughout the country." (Summary of findings, page 35)
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"Given that the nature of civil society in different countries is different, and also often shifting in response to political changes, examining the relationship between civil society and media production (mainstream and alternative) in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa involves being sensitive
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to both specificity and commonality. The types of civil society organisation across these country contexts are diverse, challenging the construction of a simple definition, with different types of activism emerging across time. Even as countries make shifts towards democracy, gains can be easily lost and recouped, as Egypt has shown in recent years. Unpacking the relationship between media and political activism is also complex, given that there are a range of activisms including social and political activism which also sometimes overlap. The terrain is currently extremely dynamic: while the mainstream media may follow old routines of news gathering, and may be subjected to both state and self-censorship, the new media terrains open to possibility for dialogue and exchange, but also for the spread of dissent. New forms of activism also challenge the mainstream media routines, such that, for example, the media workers also monitor social media for story leads." (Conclusion)
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"Community media can be a key role for building social capital, trust and respect between communities, groups and individuals and function as a dialogue platform for parties to a conflict. Through their locally embedded work, community media are in a privileged position to be able to mediate between
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different groups and operate as mediators and include local communities in their programmes and thereby create a platform for the local population to engage, encounter and exchange. The community media network in the South West region in Cameroon seeks to combine these qualities and account for the local diversities constituting the strengths of the members involved." (Conclusion, page 68)
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"This report responds to the opportunity provided by the WSIS+10 review which will culminate in 2015. Its purpose is to collate civil society perceptions of the changes that have taken place over the last ten years since the WSIS Declaration of Principles was adopted in 2003. The results are being u
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sed as input to the formal WSIS review process, as well as to strategise around civil society joint agendas and common positions. To this extent it contributes towards addressing two problems: An apparent absence - in most parts of the world - of a people-centred approach to information and knowledge-sharing society policy and regulation - and the fragmentation of the communications rights movement, which had mobilised so intensively to ensure that a people-centred approach informed the outcomes of WSIS." (Introduction)
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"The study “Tunisia: from revolutions to institutions” stresses how technology-oriented small and medium-sized companies (SMEs) can generate economic expansion and job growth, including in the economically-isolated interior provinces. Tunisian ICT companies are likely to find an attractive marke
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t in Northern Africa and parts of Europe, thanks to Arabic and French language skills and lower labor costs. Entrepreneurs, however, expressed frustration with the cost of doing business and government control of critical markets, which was installed by the previous regime. They also recognized the need for a more market-responsive higher education system that produces graduates with more up-to-date and practical knowledge. Central to the Tunisian revolution of 2011, ICTs remain critically important to helping address the root causes that led to the uprising in the first place, according to the report. New technologies and applications are necessary to creating a vibrant economy that produces sustainable jobs for the country’s young population and helping to constitute an open and transparent society." (www.infodev.org, March 20, 2012)
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"La publicación recoge la opinión institucional del equipo del ERIC y Radio Progreso acerca de diversos temas de actualidad que son cruciales para la sociedad hondureña. Lo hacen, como siempre, acompañando las luchas de resistencias de los sectores empobrecidos de acuerdo a su opción por la jus
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ticia." (http://centroderecursos.alboan.org)
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