"The study concluded that the media in Zimbabwe falls short of standards of fair and balanced coverage of political actors in the country. ZANU PF and MDC T dominated the media’s coverage and combined for 94% of the space and time dedicated to political parties whilst the remaining 15 parties acco
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unted for 6% of the coverage. This is a reflection of the lack of diversity in the representation of political actors, given that over 100 political parties are contesting the upcoming elections." (Executive summary)
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"1. Political parties and their supporters should concentrate more on issues-based campaign messages than hate campaign messages capable of demeaning personalities, religious/ethnic beliefs as well as ethnicity. 2. Political parties and their candidates should focus more on issue of importance to na
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tional development than mere image projection. 3. The Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), political parties, civil society groups and other stakeholders should promote media and information literacy to enable better deployment of user generated contents that foster democracy and the democratization process. 4. Political parties and candidates should optimise the numerous opportunities (of cost-effectiveness, reach, immediacy, citizens’ engagement, etc.) offered by the rising popularity of new media. 5. Continuous voter education is crucial for the citizens to be more critical in the electoral choices [...]" (Conclusions and recommendations, page 6-7)
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"The purpose of this manual is to familiarise citizen journalists with the core issues of election reporting including ethics, safety and security, fake news, hate speech and the broader issues around the electoral system in Zimbabwe. It also focuses on gender and the media, photography, live-stream
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ing and mobile reporting. The manual will offer useful tips to citizen journalists on how to write an election story for diverse platforms that include SMS, social media, radio, newspapers, newsletters, among others, capturing the essence of a story, facts, and voices and transmit that information on these platforms. It also focuses on how to gather, share, upload, livestream various pieces of information ranging from text, audio, videos and photos." (Preface)
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"In this paper we assess the electoral consequences of candidate selection into the supply of widely-disseminated programmatic information in the setting of Liberia, where clientelism is pervasive and the media sector is weak. We partnered with USAID and the NGO Internews to study the impact of rand
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omized elements of a nationwide initiative to hold debates for all 73 House of Representatives seats ahead of the Liberian election of October 2017. Beyond lawmaking, House members in Liberia control access to development funds as well as play key roles in the allocation and implementation of public goods, and thus voters have incentives to care about the policy priorities of the candidates and vote accordingly. However, historically, votes have been bought as often as won (Bowles et al., 2017). In an effort to improve democratic accountability, Internews organized 129 standardized debates, with at least one in each electoral district, to solicit the policy promises of the participating candidates. In the debates, the 59% of candidates who participated were asked a series of questions by moderating journalists on particular issues of local policy relevance, most often relating to district schools, primary healthcare facilities, and infrastructural investments. Rather than large townhall-style debates, the emphasis was on soliciting concrete policy platforms and promises from the candidates that would then be rebroadcast by community radio stations. To shock the supply of policy promises, we randomly varied the intensity of invitation efforts to persuade candidates to participate in the debates. The decision to participate is risky, particularly in clientelistic settings where the returns to programmatic competition can be both limited and highly uncertain. Candidates who ‘win’ a debate may enjoy greater publicity and net electoral gains, but ex ante they risk performing poorly, revealing their policy priorities to be disconnected from their constituents and restricting their ability to target campaign promises to small groups of influential voters. These risks are especially pronounced for the leading candidates (incumbents and their challengers), who enjoy greater resources for campaigning, are adapted to the existing clientelistic equilibrium, and are more likely to be attacked by opponents to gain publicity." (Pages 2-3)
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"The Russian state media failed to provide sufficient information about political alternatives to incumbent Vladimir Putin ahead of the 18 March presidential election. Coverage on nationwide private channels was similarly limited. For the 2018 presidential election, a strong and independent media pr
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oviding unbiased coverage of the political situation in the country, thereby enabling the electorate to make an informed choice, were significantly lacking. Alexey Navalny, who was barred from running as a candidate, called for a boycott of the election. His political position was largely ignored by most of the monitored broadcast media, with the exception of TV Dozhd and Radio Ekho Moskvy. The nature of the election process, whereby the incumbent refrained in most respects from conventional campaign discourse, including non-participation in public debates, and the only real opponent was barred from running as a candidate, did not provide basic conditions necessary for a normal democratic election. First Channel, Russia 1, NTV and Ren TV, offered viewers an extremely limited range of political viewpoints. They presented only the official Kremlin position, and failed to offer any independent or alternative views, or any critical reporting challenging the performance of the authorities." (Executive summary)
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"Social media and digital technology offer immense potential for citizens, policymakers and practitioners to raise awareness of, monitor, and respond to violence. With Kenya’s elections approaching, technology can help to raise awareness of insecurity, support early warning, combat incitement of v
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iolence and promote accountability. However, digital technology also carries a number of risks. To maximise effectiveness and inclusivity, 1) greater support must be given to locally legitimate peace messaging and counter-speech; 2) government, media and civil society should collaborate to improve transparency and accountability in the regulation of online activity; and 3) social media monitoring of violence should be undertaken in conjunction with other reporting systems that seek to overcome inequalities in digital access and use." (Abstract)
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"This study focuses on the role of media ownership on the press coverage of the 2015 presidential election campaign in Nigeria. Using content analysis, the aim of the study was to identify the themes and examine the direction of the coverage of election campaign news items between the two main polit
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ical parties in the country-Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) published in The Nation on one hand and the Nigerian Tribune on the other hand, between January 2015 and March 2015. Findings from the study indicate coverage replete with biases, although with some remarkable incidents of objectivity and balancing, and show that the two newspapers analysed in this study merely reflected the political leanings of their respective publishers." (Abstract)
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"Domestic journalists covering Kenya’s 2013 General Election worked in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one which was significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence (PEV). Rooted in literature on peace journalism (PJ), we examine how the PEV of Kenya’s 2007 p
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residential elections informed and shaped journalists’ practice around the 2013 Kenyan General Election. The article is based on qualitative interviews with 16 Kenyan print journalists and editors at the Daily Nation and Standard newspapers as well as interviews with 6 Kenyan media specialists. Our analysis finds the 2007 PEV significantly constrained journalistic practice in three ways: first, journalists witnessed violence in 2007 which anchored their 2013 coverage; second, interviewees felt a ‘collective guilt’ at journalism’s failure to provide responsible coverage in 2007 creating a ‘culture of restraint’ and third, journalists felt compelled to ‘sanitize’ potentially inflammatory language creating a tension between journalists’ duty to inform and strong desire to avoid contributing to conflict. This article concludes by siding with a growing critical chorus of PJ scholars critiquing its often “individualist” approach and calling for greater attention towards structural factors such as perceived social constraints when conceptualizing and theorizing the agency of journalists working in post conflict environments." (Abstract)
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"Very few cross-national studies have examined the consequences of electoral manipulation, including the manipulation of election administration and the media, on citizens’ trust in elections. This paper addresses this gap by exploring how autonomy of election management bodies (EMBs) and media fr
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eedom individually and conjointly shape citizens’ trust in elections. Citizens are more likely to express confidence in elections when EMBs display de facto autonomy and less likely to do so when mass media disseminate information independent of government control. Additionally, we suggest that EMB autonomy may not have a positive effect on public trust in elections if media freedom is low. Empirical findings based on recent survey data on public trust in elections in 47 countries and expert data on de facto EMB autonomy and media freedom support our hypotheses." (Abstract)
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"Ce manuel a pour but d’accompagner les missions d’observation électorale dans leur mission de surveillance des contenus médiatiques et des discours politiques, la qualité du discours des acteurs politiques et le comportement des médias dans une période clé de la vie démocratique. Il donn
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e également les outils nécessaires pour la surveillance d’accès équitable aux médias pour l’ensemble des candidats tant au niveau quantitatif qu’au niveau qualitatif. Au-delà du manuel et de l’observation électorale, l’objectif est de permettre aux médias de pouvoir mieux jouer leur rôle d’éducation civique et de servir d’espace public d’expression démocratique en République Démocratique du Congo." (Site web Internews.org)
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"Evidence from the study reveals that the visibility of women (candidates or voters) during coverage of the 2016 general elections in Uganda was significantly low relative to that of men, not only in terms of being read about or being heard, but also being seen in pictures. The study findings show t
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hat the representation of women as news subjects was only 20% as opposed to 80% for men; emanating from the study also is that there is a direct linkage between one’s status in Ugandan society – sex, occupation, and family status – and the likelihood of being covered in election related stories and providing additional information, in the case of the role, news subjects or the source play in the news stories." (Executive summary)
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"Ugandische Eliten erwarten von Journalisten zu Wahlzeiten eine positive Berichterstattung. Kritik und Hinterfragung von Standpunkten werden nicht gerne gesehen. Die übermächtigen Ressourcen der Herrschenden werden dazu eingesetzt, diese Erwartungen zu erfüllen. Dementsprechend können Journalist
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en ihre Selbstverständnisse nicht realisieren, sondern passen sich den Erwartungen an. Diese Masterarbeit macht deutlich, dass die derzeitigen Strukturen des ugandischen Mediensystems das journalistische Können und damit die Medienfreiheit einschränken. Deshalb muss auch von staatlichen Akteuren oftmals kein direkter Druck durch polizeiliche oder juristische Verfolgung erzeugt werden. Der derzeitige Zustand der Arbeits- und Ausbildungsbedingungen, sowie die Eigentumsstrukturen reichen zur Disziplinierung aus." (Fazit, Seite 100)
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"El estudio de los fenómenos comunicativos en las elecciones de México de 2015 constituye el punto de análisis en el presente volumen. En el marco normativo de un órgano electoral nuevo, el Instituto Nacional Electoral, las variaciones del tratamiento informativo y la presencia de estrategias me
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diáticas en la prensa, la radio y la televisión reforzaron la idea de unos medios de comunicación que fungieron como creadores de contextos interpretativos y agentes de control de la opinión pública, para el posicionamiento o deslegitimación de los candidatos ciudadanos y de los partidos políticos. Las elecciones intermedias demostraron, a pesar de la reforma electoral de 2014 y la participación de los candidatos independientes, que la regulación normativa del modelo de comunicación política tiene frente a sí a la diversidad de prácticas mediáticas y modulación discursiva como un universo de manifestaciones del lenguaje de la política, que se re-inventa a cada paso." (Editorial)
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