"Die Ausbeutung natürlicher Ressourcen und Infrastrukturprojekte bedrohen die Lebensgrundlagen indigener Bevölkerungen in vielen Staaten Lateinamerikas. Wie der Konflikt um das Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) zeigt, stellte Bolivien während der Amtszeiten des ersten
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indigenen Präsidenten des Landes Evo Morales (2006-2019) keine Ausnahme dar. Bei diesem Konflikt stieß ein staatliches Straßenbauprojekt, das mitten durch das Schutzgebiet im bolivianischen Amazonas-Tiefland führen sollte, auf großen Widerstand. Unterschiedliche Akteur*innen aus Indigenenorganisationen, Zivilgesellschaft und der katholischen Kirche formierten sich in der sozialen TIPNIS-Bewegung und mobilisierten gegen das Projekt und dessen Auswirkungen. Diese Arbeit erklärt den Widerstand aus Sicht der selbstbezeichneten Verteidiger*innen des Territoriums. Dazu stützt sie sich auf den theoretischen Framing-Ansatz, der den Blick auf die Bedeutungskonstruktionen (Framings) der Akteur*innen lenkt. In einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse wurden die Daten von 52 semistrukturierten Interviews ausgewertet und zentrale übergreifende Deutungsmuster (Masterframes) der heterogenen Akteursgruppe identifiziert, die sich aus Diagnosen, Prognosen und Motivationen zusammensetzen. Dadurch ist es möglich, den Widerstand der sozialen TIPNIS-Bewegung, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Konfliktphase von 2017 bis 2019, in seinen komplexen Erscheinungsformen zu verstehen: Als Kampf um Legitimität in einer Situation der Fragmentierung und Spaltung der Indigenenorganisationen, als Versicherheitlichung (securitization) des Konflikts angesichts sozio-ökologischer Bedrohungen, als Anfechtung des staatlichen neoextraktiven Entwicklungsmodells sowie als Forderung nach einer Umsetzung der Menschenrechte, indigenen Kollektivrechte und der Rechte der Natur." (Abstract)
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"Polnische Juden stellten nicht nur die größte Gruppe unter den Opfern des Holocaust, in den 1930er Jahren hatte auch kein Land Europas mehr jüdische Einwohner und einen vielfältigeren jüdischen Printmarkt als Polen. Die Studie trägt zu einem Paradigmenwechsel bei, der diese Tatsachen stärker
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berücksichtigt, indem er den Blick von Ost nach West richtet und die polnischen Juden nicht länger als monolithischen Block passiver Opfer begreift, sondern als handelnde Subjekte, die den Antisemitismus, der sie bedrohte, aktiv bekämpften. Aufbauend auf einer Analyse der Berichterstattung der jiddischen Warschauer Tagespresse über Nationalsozialismus und Judenverfolgung legt sie die Netzwerke der jüdischen Zeitungsmacher frei und zeigt, wie diese sich trotz Zensur und Repression subversives Wissen aneigneten, es ihrem Publikum vermittelten und so die Vorstellungswelten polnischer Juden über Deutschland prägten sowie Protest- und Solidaritätsaktionen zugunsten der Verfolgten initiierten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"While there is strong continuity in the values that resisters perceive to be at stake, there are also profound changes. One important change is that media resistance increasingly has moved from the political to the personal domain. Three explanations are offered for how media resistance is sustaine
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d as a strong cultural current: media resistance is flexible and adaptable, media resistance is connected with other great narratives of hope and decline, and media resisters keep a distance from (empirical) media research." (Abstract chapter 7, page 119)
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"The state’s attempts, in the last few years in particular, to intimidate activists have largely succeeded in slowing the pace of reforms and narrowing their boundaries. However, the intensified Saudi state conflicts with regional and international allies, coupled with reduced oil revenues and inc
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reased public expenditures, create a unique opportunity for reformers. This opportunity can be exploited through the same tactics employed by the state: creating alliances with national constituencies, and harnessing regional and international media and human rights organizations as alternative, influential power centers. If activists pursue these opportunities, they may well come close to achieving the sociopolitical reforms needed for sustainable stability in the kingdom." (Looking ahead, page 7-8)
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"This book analyses how humour in political activism contributes to facilitating outreach, mobilisation and the sustaining of cultures of resistance. Drawing on examples of attention-grabbing stunts from around the world, Humour in Political Activism demonstrates how they succeed in turning relation
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s of power upside down. The ambiguity and unpredictability of humour, Sørensen argues, makes it difficult to respond to this form of political activism when it is performed in public. Humorous political stunts can therefore challenge state power, help influence changes in law and make significant contributions to the conversations about how societies should be organised. The book also investigates the potential risks and limitations of using humour in nonviolent action and what makes humour unique compared with other forms of non-humorous political activism." (Publisher description)
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"In this book, based on the culture-centered approach to social change, we listen to the voices of resistance across the globe that foreground alternative rationalities of social, political, and economic organizing, challenging the hegemony of neoliberal ideology in organizing global economies. Prim
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arily based on the economic substratum of resistance work, the book highlights the discourses, messages, and narratives of change that are articulated by the very people who are rendered invisible by the structures of neoliberalism. Drawing upon earlier work in Communication Studies that outlines the relationships between the discursive and material processes of resistance, the voices in this book engage with the possibilities of transformative politics as embodied in the agentic expression of those across the globe who are participating in varied forms of collective actions in order to be recognized and to resist the unequal policies promoted by neoliberalism. Drawing upon the Subaltern Studies framework, on one hand, the book begins with the key concepts of deconstruction that are embodied in the critical communication literature; on the other hand, the deconstructive turn is seen as an opening for engaging with the positive sites of transformative politics that depict subaltern struggles for recognition and representation." (Preface, pix-x)
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"The South Lebanon conflict saw two decades of sustained resistance by the Lebanese to the Israeli occupation. The Lebanese media’s role in achieving liberation over this period is significant, through campaigns conducted to unify the Lebanese people against their foreign occupier and in support o
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f the Lebanese resistance in South Lebanon. This book investigates the culture and performance of Lebanese journalism in this setting. It is a story about journalism told by a journalist who is also using tools of scholarship and research to narrate her story and the story of her fellow journalists. Zahera Harb is also presenting here an alternative interpretation of propaganda under conditions of foreign occupation and the struggle against that occupation. She identifies the characteristics of ‘liberation propaganda’ through the coverage and experience of the two Lebanese TV stations Tele Liban and Al Manar within the historical, cultural, organisational and religious contexts in which they operated, and how these elements shaped their professional practice and their news values." (Publisher description)
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"This study documents a crucial dimension of the resistance of Nigerian civil society to a repressive and monumentally corrupt military state in the late 1980s and 1990s in Nigeria. Employing a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, the study relates how a section of the media defied censorship laws,
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outright bans, incarceration and the assassination of opposition figures, to prosecute the struggle for democracy. It captures the tensions and contradictions between a pliant section of the media, which sought to legitimise the state and a critical section of the same media, which in alliance with radical civil society, invented rebellious outlets to carry on the struggle against dictatorship. The study seeks to make fresh departures by documenting not only the role of the national media in the throes of democratic struggle, but that of the international media whose role was influential in the years studied. Finally the report offers empirical proof of the mechanisms by which a vibrant civil society can curb the ravages of a predatory state in an African country." (Abstract)
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"Nikolaus Groß war Repräsentant der katholischen Arbeiterbewegung, Journalist und Widerstandskämpfer. In historisch-kritischer Analyse wird er als politischer Beobachter, der die Entwicklung der letzten Jahre der Weimarer Republik aus der Perspektive der Zentrumspartei kommentierte, vorgestellt.
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Im Mittelpunkt steht seine Rolle im politischen Widerstand gegen Hitler. Er wurde am 23. Januar 1945 in Berlin hingerichtet. In einem einleitenden Essay legt Alexander Groß sehr persönlich anhand der Gefängnisbriefe dar, was ihm das Vermächtnis seines Vaters bedeutet." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This is an entirely new edition of the author’s 1984 study (originally published by South End Press) of radical media and movements. The first and second sections are original to this new edition. The first section explores social and cultural theory in order to argue that radical media should be
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a central part of our understanding of media in history. The second section weaves an historical and international tapestry of radical media to illustrate their centrality and diversity, from dance and graffiti to video and the internet and from satirical prints and street theatre to culture-jamming, subversive song, performance art and underground radio. The section also includes consideration of ultra-rightist media as a key contrast case. The book’s third section provides detailed case studies of the anti-fascist media explosion of 1974-75 in Portugal, Italy’s long-running radical media, radio and access video in the USA, and illegal media in the dissolution of the former Soviet bloc dictatorships." (Publisher description)
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"[...] tells the astonishing story of a bunch of Belgrade kids and their pirate radio station B92. B92 started in the late eighties with the naive desire to simply play music but ended up facing two wars, economic sanctions, violent police and government crackdowns, the attention of armed gangsters
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and neo-Nazi politicians, and ultimately became the focal point of a successful opposition movement against Slobodan Milosevic." (Back cover)
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Media Résistance a publié en 2000 le réçit de 23 expériences de journaux, de radios et de télévision indépendantes. Le livre entend répondre à quatre questions: comment les médias résistent aux diverses pressions par les mots, quel est leur rôle dans le renforcement de la société civi
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le, l'alliance en réseaux permet-elle de mieux répondre aux pressions politiques, comment certaines initiatives luttent contre les stéréotypes et les clichés. Expériences d'Afrique: L'Indépendant (Burkina Faso), The News & Tempo (Nigeria), N'Djamena Hebdo (Tchad), The Post (Zambie), Le Journal (Maroc), Citizen FM (Gambie), Studio Ijambo (Burundi).
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"The drive towards homogeneity is not irresistible. These challenging essays by journalists, independent producers and researchers describe indigenous television in Brazil, in Africa, Europe and the Middle East, Aboriginal networks in Australia and the Deep Dish Satellite Network's alternative cover
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age in America of the Gulf War. Against the odds, local initiatives around the world are creating new opportunities for national, regional and ethnic identities to find expression through the medium of television." (Publisher description)
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