"The author demonstrates how core concepts from anthropology—participant-observation, reciprocity, and community—apply to sociality on YouTube. Lange’s book reconceptualizes and updates these concepts for video-sharing cultures. Lange draws on 152 interviews with YouTube participants at gather
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ings throughout the United States, content analyses of more than 300 videos, observations of interactions on and off the site, and participant-observation. She documents how the introduction of monetization options impacted perceived opportunities for open sharing and creative exploration of personal and social messages. Lange’s book provides new insight into patterns of digital migration, YouTube’s influence on off-site interactions, and the emotional impact of losing control over images. The book also debunks traditional myths about online interaction, such as the supposed online/offline binary, the notion that anonymity always degrades public discourse, and the popular characterization of online participants as over-sharing narcissists. YouTubers’ experiences illustrate fascinating hybrid forms of contemporary sociality that are neither purely mediated nor sufficient when conducted only in person. Combining intensive ethnography, analysis of video artifacts, and Lange’s personal vlogging experiences, the book explores how YouTubers are creating a posthuman collective characterized by interaction, support, and controversy." (Publisher description)
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"Through a content analysis of 532 programs screened on various national television networks in Colombia, this paper examines portrayals of women in the country’s narconovelas, fictional series derived from the telenovela genre that resonate forcefully with the public. We do so in order to gain a
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better understanding of their role in representing gender in Colombia. Relevant topics include: the widespread violence against women in a traditional, patriarchal country, the ineffectiveness of policies targeting gender discrimination, and ideologies of machismo and Marianismo. These practices are discussed as factors that may prevent women’s social empowerment and participation in the workforce and politics of the country. Our results show that, as per Colombia’s prevailing social relations, narconovelas demonstrate a gendered power imbalance and mestizo heteronormativity via macho plots that glamorize violence against women. Women are rarely key characters in narconovelas, and when they appear, they are dependent on men, and attain status through men or their families. In addition, the genre represents continuous verbal and physical aggression against women, especially if they belong to ethnic or racial minorities." (Abstract)
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"Cet ouvrage donne les détails les plus précis sur la campagne menée par les principaux candidats à l'élection présidentielle 2018 au Congo. Ils ont été suivis chacun de très près, au jour le jour : Fayulu, Kamerhe, Shadary, Tshisekedi. Pendant 50 + 20 jours, leurs actes publics, leurs pro
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pos politiques ainsi que leurs apparitions dans l'univers internet ont été notés avec minutie. Ce livre offre la possibilité de revivre l'éclat du climat général de ces élections, avec ses épisodes de grave incertitude ou de vive animosité." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"This book examines the dynamic interplay between media representations of migrants and refugees on the one hand and the governmental and societal (re)actions to these on the other. Largely focusing on Belgium and Sweden, this collection of interdisciplinary research essays attempts to unravel the d
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eterminants of people’s preferences regarding migration policy, expectations towards newcomers, and economic, humanitarian and cultural concerns about immigration’s effect on the majority population’s life. Whilst migrants and refugees remain voiceless and highly underrepresented in the legacy media, this volume allows their voices to be heard." (Publisher description)
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"Governments with strict control over the information that their citizens hear from foreign sources are regular targets of human rights pressure, but we know little about how this information matters in the domestic realm. I argue that authoritarian regimes strategically pass on certain types of ext
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ernal pressure to their public to “internationalize” human rights violations, making citizens view human rights in terms of defending their nation internationally rather than in terms of individual violations, and making them more likely to be satisfied with their government’s behavior. I find strong support for this model through statistical analysis of Chinese state media reports of external human rights pressure and a survey experiment on Chinese citizens’ responses to pressure on women’s rights. This analysis demonstrates that authoritarian regimes may be able to manipulate international human rights diplomacy to help them retain the support of their population while suppressing their human rights." (Abstract)
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"Stories about Africa appeared infrequently on U.S. television: a mention appeared once in every five hours of TV programming. Viewers were seven times more likely to see references to Europe. Despite the low frequency of mentions, we know that there were more than 3.6 billion views of these depicti
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ons of Africa in the U.S. in March. Five countries — Egypt, South Africa, Kenya, Seychelles and “Congo” — accounted for almost half (49%) of all mentions of any African nation. Most mentions of Africa (43%) appeared on national or local news, with over 1.5 billion views. Business, technology and economy in Africa accounted for 8% of news coverage while crime accounted for 16%. Viewers saw one out of five references to Africa in unscripted entertainment, including talk shows, game shows and reality programming. Twenty percent of those mentions were on the game show Jeopardy. Documentaries (17%) and scripted entertainment (15%) account for almost all the rest of Africa depictions." (Summary of key findings, page 6)
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"Wie unsere Langzeitanalyse zeigt, hat sich die Fernsehberichterstattung über Gewaltkriminalität gravierend verändert: Während die Herkunft von Tatverdächtigen 2014 praktisch keine Rolle spielte, wurde sie 2017 in jedem sechsten und 2019 in jedem dritten Beitrag erwähnt. In den untersuchten Ze
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itungsberichten ist der Anteil mit 44,1 Prozent besonders hoch. Doch die Herkunft von mutmaßlichen Gewalttätern wird meist nur dann hervorgehoben, wenn sie Ausländer sind. Damit ist der mediale Blick nicht klarer geworden, sondern verzerrter. Die Berichterstattung kehrt die Erkenntnisse der Polizei komplett um: Laut Polizeilicher Kriminalstatistik waren 2018 etwa 69 Prozent aller Tatverdächtigen bei Gewaltdelikten Deutsche und rund 31 Prozent Nichtdeutsche. In aktuellen Fernsehberichten hingegen werden nur etwa 3 Prozent aller Tatverdächtigen als Deutsche erkennbar und 28 Prozent als Nichtdeutsche. In Zeitungsberichten sind Ausländer mit 41 Prozent gegenüber 3 Prozent deutschen Tatverdächtigen noch stärker überrepräsentiert." (Fazit, Seite 14)
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"Conflict in Yemen plays out along various fault lines—regional, sectarian, class, political, tribal, and ethnic—which are reflected in the hateful language employed on and offline to incite violence. The sectarian aspect of conflict in Yemen is relatively new, as prior to 2011, “religious coe
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xistence and intermingling was taken for granted by most Yemenis and seen as a normal feature of everyday life.” But with the outbreak of conflict after the removal of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, “sectarian discourse has become more heated, reorganizing Yemeni society along sectarian lines and rearranging people’s relationships to one another on a non-nationalist basis.” Furthermore, the social and political dynamics in Yemen have fostered a permissive environment for hate speech. According to information gathered from a community meeting held in Sana’a in 2015, “many leaders have normalized and legitimized antagonistic, exclusionary rhetoric to consolidate their power and dehumanize their enemies.” In terms of access to online networks, despite a weak telecommunications sector relative to other Middle Eastern countries, an estimated 90 percent of the Yemeni population has access to the internet through mobile phones and, as of 2015, 93 percent of internet users are on Facebook and 92 percent utilize WhatsApp. The heavy saturation of these online communications networks highlights a growing need to understand and address the hate speech being spread within Yemen’s complex context. PeaceTech Lab’s work on hateful speech aims to identify and contextualize the particular terms and phrases that have the potential to lead to violence. This project identifies relevant terms through on-the-ground information gathering and examines their origins, context, and usages in a particular country environment. To successfully monitor and counter hateful speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, and potentially dangerous. The research also seeks to identify alternative terms that might be used to mitigate or replace this language and thereby contribute to building peace. Finally, this report is intended as a resource for individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and combatting hateful speech as well as those involved in conflict prevention and mitigation so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"PeaceTech Lab’s work on hate speech aims to identify and contextualize the particular types of language that are likely to cause violence. This project identifies relevant terms through on-theground information gathering and examines their origins, background context, and use in a particular coun
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try environment. To successfully monitor and counter hateful speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. The research also seeks to identify alternative terms that would mitigate or replace this language and thereby contribute to building peace. Finally, this report is intended as a resource for individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and combatting hateful speech so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"This report — Social Media and Conflict in South Sudan II: A Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms 2017-2018 — follows on its predecessor which was released in December 2016 after three years of civil war in South Sudan. It identifies key terms being used in the conflict, as well as new terms, context,
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and dynamics in South Sudan’s conflict over the period of 2017-2018." (Introduction)
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"South Africa’s upcoming general election marks 25 years of multi-racial democracy: a milestone which has us reflecting on how far the country has come - and how far it has to go. Despite real and lasting achievements, problems of massive economic inequalities, disparities in land ownership, and h
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igh unemployment persist and are exacerbated by issues like migration and the climate crisis. It’s within this context that hateful language has spiked; certain politicians and members of the public have pushed anti-immigrant rhetoric while others have called for the expropriation without compensation of white-owned land, leading to fears that the chasms between and among South Africa’s political, social, and economic classes will only grow larger. In response, PeaceTech Lab partnered with South Africa’s Media Monitoring Africa to examine the origins, context, and influence of hateful speech in the country. [This publication] pairs social media analysis with in-depth qualitative research to help everyone - from civil society activists to government officials - in their efforts to address the surging problem of hate speech." (Publisher description)
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"The aim of this report is to offer a broad overview of migration (both immigration and emigration) discourses in European media for researchers in comparative media and migration studies in the coming years. It also aims at those involved in journalistic news production as well as policy decisions
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related to European migration in general, and intra-European migration and mobility in particular. We focus on the concepts of salience, sentiment and framing to qualify dynamics in media discourses in seven European countries – Spain, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Poland, Hungary and Romania – using semi-automated approaches to computational media analysis. In our report, we tackle three main gaps in the existing work: (i) a lack of comparative studies dealing with European migration media discourses of the last decade(s); (ii) insufficient attention to the intricacies of multilingual text analysis in computational text analysis; (iii) insufficient evidence on country-specific differences in discourses about intra-European mobility and migration compared to migration discourses more generally." (Executive summary)
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"The complexity and duration of the so-called ‘European refugee crisis’ created a climate of uncertainty, which left ample room for mass media to shape citizens’ understanding of what the arrival of these refugees meant for their respective country. This study analyses the national media disco
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urses in Hungary, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom and Spain for this time period. Applying Latent Dirichlet Allocation topic modelling in five languages and based on N=130,042 articles from 24 news outlets, we reveal country-specific media frames to track the overall course of the refugee debate and to uncover dynamics and shifts in discourses. While results show similarities across countries, due to media coverage responding to real-world developments, there are differences in media framing as well. Possible sources of these differences such as countries’ geographic location or status as receiving country are discussed." (Abstract)
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"When created, international criminal tribunals (ICTs) were not only expected to do justice but also to provide stabilization to postconflict regions, contribute to reconciliation and curb the potential denial of atrocities. Based on media content analysis, this article examines whether controversia
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l ICT decisions triggered changes in narratives or frames about the conflicts which formed the background of the respective ICT decisions. There is no evidence for dramatic changes in the preexisting narratives about these conflicts, but we found some cases in which tribunal decisions caused changes in media frames and in elements of such frames, mostly by emphasizing outgroup victimhood and individual responsibility of ingroup perpetrators, as well as triggering effects of collective guilt externalization. Although frame changes were often observed in both democratic and nondemocratic countries, only in democratic countries with pluralist and competitive media systems could they be attributed to tribunal decisions." (Abstract)
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"El análisis hecho en esta investigación de los distintos personajes protagónicos femeninos de los cuatro relatos seleccionados [Dina Paucar, la lucho por un sueño; Por la Sarita; Las reinas de las carrefillas; Amor de Madre], me permite señalar que las representaciones femeninas que nos ofrece
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n estos productos culturales del siglo XXI evidencian continuidades importantes pero también transformaciones y rupturas respecto a los modelos femeninos asociados al marianismo y la domesticidad; transformaciones y rupturas, que permiten visibilizar una pluralidad de representaciones femeninas conviviendo en el tiempo actual y que nos hablan de contextos de tensión y de conflicto. Este hallazgo también me permite confirmar que los mandatos de género operan de manera diferenciada en tiempos y espacios sociales diferentes. No encontramos en esta investigación personajes que se ajusten íntegramente al modelo mariano, por ejemplo, aunque sí mantienen algunas características importantes de este, como la maternidad. Un hallazgo importante de esta investigación es que la maternidad permanece como un hecho importante –diría fundante- en la definición misma de la identidad femenina y de las diversas representaciones televisivas melodramáticas, sin embargo, no es la única: aparecen las saberes domésticos aprendidos desde la infancia en el hogar familiar, saberes que se transmiten de madres a hijas –costura, cocina, canto-; los estudios y el trabajo en la esfera pública como ejes importantes que complejizan las representaciones que, de las mujeres, hacen estos relatos audiovisuales. La representación de lo femenino continua presentando a estas mujeres como responsables, amorosas, maternales, sin embargo, la pasividad y la sumisión –condiciones del pasado para la heroína de los melodramas televisivos- cuando aparecen, son solo lugares de inicio de la representación que se van transformando en agencia y empoderamiento, a partir de experiencias que fortalecen a nuestras protagonistas." (Conclusiones, página 206)
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"Are online audiences today fragmented into echo chambers or ilter bubbles? Do users only see what digital platforms (like search engines or social media) let them see? And if so, what are the consequences for the cohesion of a society? Concerns like these abound in recent years. They attest to wide
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ly held assumptions about a negative inluence of digital media or even the Internet in general on society. Empirical studies on these phenomena are, however, not as unequivocal. To understand why results from previous research are so far inconclusive, this study investigates the role of the Internet for social integration from a more general point of view. The integrative potential of the Internet is assessed to compare it with other media and ultimately better understand to what degree and due to which factors the Internet may or may not help bring society together. Using survey data, clickstream data on actual usage of websites, and data on content structures, the present work investigates how user behavior and structural features of the Internet determine its positive or negative effects on social integration. The results reveal that the Internet in general is not as bad as popular accounts of digital fragmentation may suggest. How much integrative potential can be realized via online offerings, however, depends on numerous factors on the side of the users as well as content and platform providers." (Back cover)
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"La violencia contra los periodistas no es un hecho aislado. Esta es una práctica presente en países de todo el mundo y que se caracteriza por la impunidad que rodea a las muertes de comunicadores de diversos medios de comunicación. Esta situación no solo deja impune el crimen, también impide y
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trunca la relación de la información con la comunidad. Cuando estos actos se llevan a cabo, se vulnera la persistencia de la libertad de expresión, el funcionamiento y el propósito de los medios de comunicación, la confianza en la investigación periodística y las fronteras del miedo. Consciente de la gravedad de la situación, Marisol Cano investiga en este libro diez organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión [Article 19, CPI, Fedración Internacional de Periodistas FIP, Freedom House, International Media Support, International News Safety Institute INSI, Reporteros sin fronteras, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, UNESCO, WAN-IFRA] mediante una metodología cualitativa que hace uso de técnicas de investigación como el análisis documental, el análisis de contenido y la entrevista estructurada. De esta forma, logra construir un marco global analítico de la lucha frente a la violencia contra los periodistas en la primera década del siglo XXI que le permite conocer el discurso sobre la libertad de expresión, sus formas de evaluación, las decisiones de las organizaciones para intervenir en determinados contextos, los procesos de protección de los periodistas y el perfil de las organizaciones encargadas de su bienestar. En un mundo tan conectado, el periodismo ya no es un asunto que pueda limitarse a las fronteras nacionales o a contextos locales, su accionar atañe a la comunidad internacional y las repercusiones que se derivan de su silenciamiento es un asunto que demanda el compromiso y la responsabilidad de toda la humanidad." (Resumen)
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"This study presents a snapshot of the framing used in reporting on Syria. To ensure a diverse representation, the sample includes a selection of domestic (Syrian) and pan-Arab media organisations, whose alleged preferences towards the dominant parties in the Syrian conflict are mixed. The findings
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of the research show that many partisan media demonstrate significant polarising in their reporting. These media present biased, graphic and emotive images to their audiences. The black and white portrayal by these media dehumanises groups of people and has the potential to exacerbate tensions in Syria even further. Independent outlets are noticeable for their neutrality in reporting. Also, these media outlets diverge in their use of framing: rather than acting as a mouthpiece for a political actor, they follow their individual organisation’s editorial line." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"In this chapter we use the twin concepts of precarity and mobilization to explore the tensions associated with media reporting about Myanmar over time, analysing the reporting of the (formerly) exiled media publication The Irrawaddy. The chapter explores coverage through an examination of the sourc
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es utilized and the substantive content and tone of the articles. We begin by reviewing The Irrawaddy's history and then position it through the lenses of mobility and precarity. After a discussion of methods, we compare the coverage in The Irrawaddy of three natural disasters, in both the English and the Burmese editions, and supplement our analysis with interviews with members of staff. Our findings indicate that risks associated with reporting have lessened considerably, but tension remains as The Irrawaddy is harmstrung by conflicting goals that influence its coverage." (Pages 177-178)
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