"Esta mirada sobre los medios -que analizó durante seis años medios de comunicación impresos, y, entre 2016 y 2017, programas periodísticos de la televisión peruana, respectivamente- tuvo el objetivo de determinar cómo se representaba a la niñez y adolescencia en las noticias y observar si el
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tratamiento informativo era respetuoso de sus derechos. Al respecto, el documento señala que en promedio solo el 21% de las notas de los medios impresos y el 32% de las audiovisuales presentaron un tratamiento noticioso con enfoque de derechos. Como se desprende de los indicadores señalados, la gran mayoría de notas informativas sobre niñez y adolescencia de alguna forma afecta los derechos de la población más joven. El Grupo Niñez y Medios considera que una nota periodística tiene enfoque de derechos cuando protege la identidad e intimidad de niños, niñas y adolescentes, y utiliza términos adecuados que evitan su estigmatización o victimización. De igual forma, cuando incluye referencias a sus derechos; les muestra como personas con derechos y capacidades; incluye su voz o documenta el grado en que el Estado y otras instituciones o personas protegen o vulneran tales derechos." (https://reliefweb.int)
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"My research focuses on two FM radio stations in Ethiopian capital-Abay FM 102.9 and Bisrat FM 101.1 in serving their audiences by providing content deliveries in news writing and reporting. The study based on what listeners of the mushrooming FM radio stations complaints on lacking content from the
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broadcasters particularly news in keeping informing them about their lives and what is going on in their surroundings and beyond that internationally. The research’s specific objectives and research questions were focused on examining the reasons of the broadcasters in delivering their works in professional ways keeping standards, assessing the factors that affect the quality of news and investigate what room the radio stations have to diversify their sources of news. The stations are selected by taking the time of their licensing, since they were the second generation FM radio stations in the capital (and of the country). The time of the study was from early March- mid April 2018 for six weeks (Monday-Friday). A total of 542 news items Mid-day (12:00 am) news from Abay and early evening news (06:00 pm) from Bisrat were collected, coded, categorized and evaluated as well rated for their news values. The researcher utilizes both qualitative and quantitative research methods. News of radio stations thoroughly investigated by hearing each of them qualitatively in professional ways the quantitative research work was done by Software Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The findings reveal that the problems of lacking content from the FMs are a real one." (Abstract)
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"This open access edited collection examines representations of human trafficking in media ranging from British and Serbian newspapers, British and Scandinavian crime novels, and a documentary series, and questions the extent to which these portrayals reflect the realities of trafficking. It tackles
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the problematic tendency to under-report particular types of victim and forms of trafficking, and seeks to explore both dominant and marginalised points of view. The authors take a cross-disciplinary approach, utilising analytical tools from across the humanities and social sciences, including linguistics, literary and media studies, and cultural criminology. It will appeal to students, academics and policy-makers with an interest in human trafficking and its depiction in the modern day." (Publisher description)
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"This paper explores the institutional campaigns against human trafficking and sexual exploitation in Spain between 2008 and 2017 and their role in helping to shape this issue as a matter of public concern. Our aim is to identify the ideological basis of these campaigns through their representations
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of predominant actors, which have been systematized to identify possible mistakes and to help determine more effective actions with a greater capacity for mobilization. We applied a mixed content analysis combined with a semiotic model to evaluate the presence or absence of the different actors and their relevance in each case. Several lines of discourse have been reiterated accross the 50 campaigns analysed: Curbing the demand for prostitution as a priority objective; the centrality of victims in the representations; the role of the consumer of paid sex as an accomplice to the crime; and the correlation between prostitution and human trafficking. We will also examine how these issues relate to the broader dispute on the status of prostitution in Spain. This will require a conceptual shift away from educational and social-oriented communication towards the structural causes, collective responsibility and transformative justice frameworks." (Abstract)
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"As many as 1,967 anti-Western comments were detected in the 17 monitored media outlets in 2017. In contrast to 2016 and 2015, when negative messages targeted human identity and rights, in 2017, a dominant topic was the foreign policy with the messages aimed at increasing the polarization on the for
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eign policy orientation of the country. This change in the strategic communication of pro-Kremlin actors shows that “loss of identity” was a rather tactical message that prepared the ground, while the messaging aimed at demonizing Georgia’s strategic partners (USA, NATO, EU) is of strategic nature. The United States of America accounted for the highest share of negative comments (25.9%), up by almost three times as compared to the previous year, followed by NATO (18,4%) and the West (14,1%). Compared to 2016, messages against the European Union have almost doubled (13.4%) whereas the comments about the loss of identity and human rights in anti-Western context have almost halved (12.9%). Comments against nongovernmental organizations (NGO) and the US philanthropist George Soros have trebled, as compared to 2016, and comprised 7.3%; this increase can be explained by a stepped up activity of far-right groups and their campaign to smear Open Society Georgia Foundation. Yet another change as compared to the previous years were clearer messages showcasing Russia as an alternative to the West and idealizing the Soviet system (7.2%). Comments against Great Britain (0,8%) have been mainly detected in two pro-Kremlin online media outlets – Georgia and the World, and Sakinformi. Alike previous years, the main source of anti-Western messages was media (827), followed by politicians (463), society (411), civil organizations (230) and the clergy (37). The structure of the Kremlin narrative in the Georgian discourse consists of three stages and aims at: 1. Creating threats; 2. Sowing distrust towards partners and Western institutions; 3. Ingraining a belief that Russia is the only option in fighting against the threats and that authoritative/Soviet-style governance is necessary. Four major threats were emphasized by pro-Kremlin actors: threat of war; threat of loss of territories; threat of bio subversion; threat of loss of identity." (Key findings, page 7)
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"Very few international news organisations routinely cover humanitarian affairs. Only 12 news outlets reported on all four of the humanitarian events we analysed in 2016. Because of the high costs of producing regular, original journalism on humanitarian issues, commercial news organisations do not
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usually cover humanitarian issues, with the exception of major ‘emergencies’. Most humanitarian journalism is now funded by states or private foundations. This is worrying because claiming that particular actors or activities are ‘humanitarian’ is a powerful form of legitimacy. It is important that media about the suffering does not become a vehicle for commercial or political interests. A major challenge of foundation funding is its unsustainable nature, as most foundations want to provide start-up money, rather than giving ongoing support. Meanwhile government funding can constrain where and how humanitarian reporting takes place because of foreign policy objectives and diplomatic tensions." (Executive summary)
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"Este artículo analizó la cobertura de la gestión de riesgo de desastres en tres regiones de América Latina para conocer si el cambio de paradigma, de pensar el riesgo como una construcción social en lugar de enfocarse en el desastre, se veía reflejado en las narrativas periodísticas. Mediant
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e un análisis de contenido de 130 noticias se demostró que la redacción presenta vicios como privilegiar fuentes oficiales y comunicados de prensa o contar los hechos sin análisis ni contexto. Se evidenció que el énfasis permanece en el desastre, lo que representa una oportunidad de ejercer un periodismo de prevención, que presente la GRD como un tema transversal en la agenda mediática, alineada con temas del desarrollo como pobreza, corrupción o salud." (Resumen)
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"PeaceTech Lab undertook extensive research to understand the role that online hate speech plays in the ongoing crisis. Rooted in a series of focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with expert insights from local Cameroonians, Social Media and Conflict in Cameroon, published in October 2018
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, identifies and explains inflammatory and offensive terms that contribute to the Anglophone Crisis while offering alternative words and phrases that can be used to prevent and stop the spread of hate speech. PeaceTech Lab aims for this Lexicon to serve as a pivotal resource for individuals and organizations fighting against hate speech in Cameroon." (Publisher description)
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"PeaceTech Lab developed a Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms in Nigeria, combining cutting-edge social media analysis with in-country expertise to identify both the terms likely to incite violence and their social and political context. The Lexicon, published in April 2018, also identifies alternative la
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nguage that can be used to prevent and stop the spread of hate speech." (Publisher description)
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"Though it’s well-known that extremist groups like al-Shabaab use social media to spread fear and recruit susceptible youth, there’s very little evidence-based research that details how at-risk youth use social media and how language is weaponized online by extremists to radicalize and recruit t
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hese youth. By better understanding language related to violent extremism and utilizing innovative social media monitoring technologies to track radical online narratives, PeaceTech Lab has developed a solid analytical foundation that informs and supports local P/CVE efforts in Mombasa. In partnership with Wasafiri Consulting and with funding from DAI, PeaceTech Lab identified, monitored and analyzed online content and the sources of influence used by extremist groups to radicalize youth in specific communities in Mombasa, Kenya." (Publisher description)
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"Este artículo presenta los resultados finales de la aplicación de un análisis de contenido a un corpus noticioso sobre asesinatos de líderes sociales en Colombia para medir y analizar su calidad periodística de acuerdo a los postulados del Valor Agregado Periodístico (VAP). El estudio se cent
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ró en el contenido de tres medios nativos digitales colombianos, La Silla Vacía, Razón Pública y Verdad Abierta, y contempló como período desde agosto de 2016 hasta agosto de 2017. Los resultados arrojaron que los tres medios de comunicación seleccionados hicieron una cobertura del fenómeno social de alta calidad de acuerdo a las cuatro variables de estudio seleccionadas." (Resumen)
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"Our study is the first to identify and analyse who is shaping African Twitter conversations during elections over the past year. The study found that 53 per cent of the leading voices on Twitter around ten elections on the continent during the past year came from outside the country in which the el
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ections were contested. Bots, and accounts displaying machine-like behaviour, were active across all elections, particularly in Kenya, where they accounted for a quarter of all influential accounts. One of the more surprising findings from the study was the limited influence politicians had on the conversation. Rwanda was the exception, where 1 in every 3 influential handles was a political account – the highest figure across all elections analysed. This doesn’t mean politicians weren’t being talked about. Many of the top hashtags included references to politicians or political parties, including #UmaAngolaParaTodos in Angola, #Weah in Liberia and #Kagame in Rwanda. This study demonstrates that people continue to seek out the voices they trust with established journalists and news outlets consistently ranked in the top three influencers across all elections. With fake news and bots influencing conversations on social media, people continue to search for traditional sources of verified, accurate information." (Introduction)
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"This study combines two research methods to explore how female leaders are portrayed in the news in Vietnam, and Vietnamese journalists’ perception of female and male leaders. Content analysis indicated that female leaders are under- and misrepresented. Female leader sources seldom appear in the
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news. When they do, they are more likely to be interviewed on traditionally feminine issues. Survey findings demonstrated that gender stereotypes are pervasive among journalists, influencing their perception of news sources. Journalists believe male sources possess stronger work-oriented and agentic traits while female sources are more socially oriented and communal. Results confirmed role congruity theory’s applicability in studying media in a non-Western country." (Abstract)
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"The study concluded that the media in Zimbabwe falls short of standards of fair and balanced coverage of political actors in the country. ZANU PF and MDC T dominated the media’s coverage and combined for 94% of the space and time dedicated to political parties whilst the remaining 15 parties acco
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unted for 6% of the coverage. This is a reflection of the lack of diversity in the representation of political actors, given that over 100 political parties are contesting the upcoming elections." (Executive summary)
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"This article examines representation of the conflict in Darfur by the media in Kenya, South Africa, Egypt and Rwanda. It analyses 850 newspaper articles published from 2003 to 2008 and journalist interviews from Kenya and South Africa. Using Mbembe’s articulation of ‘meaningful acts’ and Bour
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dieu’s field theory, the article highlights how the intersection of geopolitics, symbolic affirmation of unity and ‘Africanness’ and a ritualistic use of official sources led African media fields to mimic the global north in how they have framed the Darfur conflict. The most striking finding from the analysis of how these four countries reported the violence in Darfur is the salience of the ethnic conflict frame. However, the ethnic conflict frame was used in African media differently than in Western media, which often assumed a path-determined relationship between conflict and tribal identities. In contrast, African journalists used the ethnic frame to domesticate the news and as a part of specific political project to demarcate which actors should be understood as Other and with which actors audiences share an affinity." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on the interactional dynamics between anti-Muslim extremists and radical Islamists in Germany and beyond. It reveals ideological underpinnings, approaches to mobilization and communication patterns, which all prove to be analogous on both sides, and it places emphasis on the rec
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iprocity of hate that may serve to intensify processes of individual and group radicalization. Our study presents the first systematic analysis of the interplay between both forms of extremism that plays out on different places on the Internet. It provides direct evidence showing that Islamist and far-right movements converge at different levels and mutually amplify one another. The analysis focuses on measuring the online interaction between extremist content, individuals and events. Overall, over 10,000 Islamist and far-right Facebook posts and over one million German anti-Muslim tweets between 1 January 2013 and 30 November 2017 were analyzed for this study. Additionally, we conducted three months of ethnographic research into encrypted pro-IS and pro-Al-Qaeda groups on Telegram as well as into far-right chat groups.
Key Findings
Radical Islamism and anti-Muslim racism, which manifest themselves in the form of far-right extremism and right-wing populism exhibit a symbiotic relationship. In the context of glocal interaction patterns, the far right operates as a national sphere of resonance for international jihadism. Both negate and dismantle basic democratic values such as the inviolability of human dignity and religious freedom. What’s more, racism against Muslims paves the way for radicalization through Islamic fundamentalists. We identified three key patterns that reveal common worldviews and argumentative resemblance: First, the demonization of enemies based on a clear distinction between friend and foe. Second, the victimization of one’s own group as both sides take advantage of the alleged discrimination of their own group and the constructed dominance of the other. Third, conspiracy, which is the basic explanation provided for why the respective milieus do not share their exclusionary claim to truth. The alleged systematic blindness caused by the Jews or fake news are needed to balance the dissonance between claims and reality as well as to contribute to demonizing other groups." (Executive summary)
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"¿Quiénes nos representan en los medios? ¿Cómo lo hacen? ¿Qué efectos pueden producir esas representaciones? Estas y otras preguntas se responden a través de esta brillante invetigación, focalizada particularmente en la representación de "lo cholo" y "lo mestizo", en la cobertura de la fies
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ta popular del "Gran Poder", en la prensa escrita boliviana a lo largo de casi 100 años." (Cubierta del libro)
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