"Based on Galtung’s concept of peace/war journalism, this exploratory work attempts to advance an empirical method to develop a survey instrument for a reliable and valid assessment of journalists’ attitudes toward peace/war performance. The authors propose a measurement index of conflict report
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ing which combines several practices linked to peace/war journalism. The usefulness of the approach is then demonstrated by quantitative and qualitative evidence from a pilot study based on a survey of worldwide members of The Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. Benefits of the approach and implications for future peace/war survey research are discussed." (Abstract)
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"Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, ob Einwanderer in der Berichterstattung je nach Herkunft unterschiedlich dargestellt werden. Dazu wurden Artikel der Tageszeitungen Welt, FAZ, SZ und taz aus dem Jahr 2014 inhaltsanalytisch untersucht. Mittels hierarchischer Clusteranalyse auf Akteursebene (n = 596)
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lassen sich fünf Frames von Einwanderern ermitteln: Kriminelle, Nützliche, Kostenintensive, Integrationswillige und Willkommene. Einige dieser Frames korrespondieren stark mit bestimmten Nationalitäten. Einwanderer aus Herkunftsländern, die eine größere kulturelle Nähe zu Deutschland aufweisen (z. B. Südosteuropa) werden tendenziell negativer geframed als Einwanderer aus kulturell ferneren Ländern (z. B. Asien/ Naher Osten und Afrika). Politisch eher konservativ orientierte Zeitungen verwenden im Verhältnis mehr negative Frames." (Abstract)
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"En 2015 los medios de comunicación registraron 286 femicidios. Entre ellos, 86 de las víctimas tenían entre 19 y 30 años y 39 eran adolescentes de entre 13 y 18 años. Resulta interesante analizar la contradicción entre la hipersexualización de niñas y adolescentes en el discurso y las imág
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enes habituales de los medios, el modelo de mujer que se les impone y el tratamiento posterior que reciben al ser víctimas de agresiones en las que suelen surgir diversos estereotipos. Con frecuencia el modo en que iban vestidas, por ejemplo, se puede transformar en un justificativo de lo que les ocurrió. Esto fue el disparador por el que decidimos centrarnos en este monitoreo en las adolescentes [...] Parafraseando un reclamo feminista, los medios insisten en enseñarles a las mujeres cómo deben comportarse y vestirse si no quieren ser violadas o atacadas de alguna otra forma, en lugar de condenar los comportamientos de los varones violentos y enseñarles a éstos que la violencia contra las mujeres no tiene lugar en nuestra sociedad." (Conclusiones, página 48)
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"This project aims to address a clear practical and methodological gap that exists in current efforts to tackle hate speech and its effects on communities in conflict zones—namely, how do we identify and contextualize the particular kind of language that’s likely to cause violence? Rather than a
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ssessing the existence or prevalence of hate speech language, this project instead examines terms and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hate speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. Therefore, PeaceTech Lab has produced this lexicon of terms used online during a particular period of South Sudanese conflict that began in December 2013 in order to analyze how they contributed to the conflict. This initiative also seeks to identify alternative language that would mitigate or counter the impact of this speech on the conflict and thereby help build peace in the country. Finally, this resource intends to inform other individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and countering hate speech in South Sudan—and potentially elsewhere—so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"The dissertation investigates journalistic news narrations. It aims at assessing their deliberative qualities by applying a quantitative instrument for a content analysis of newspapers that focuses comparatively on climate change coverage in Brazil, Germany, and the United States . Results reveal t
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hat there is no general relationship between narrativity and the deliberative quality. There is no indication that narrative news writing is either good or bad in deliberative terms; it is rather context dependent. The results show that the newspaper coverage of all three countries differs in the use of narrative elements, the application of different story types, and in their general deliberative quality. While the Brazilian coverage generally has a high degree of narrativity and mainly uses story types that emphasize the urgency of climate change, it has a rather low deliberative quality. The opposite is the case for the US, which has a lower degree of narrativity, mainly using unexcited story types, and provides a higher deliberative quality. In both cases, narrative writing compared to non-narrative writing accounts for higher or lower deliberative quality only on some dimensions, but no consistent pattern was found. The picture is more diverse in Germany, with a less unambiguous use of narratives and story types, and a mixed deliberative quality. However, the relationship between higher narrativity and deliberative quality is most salient in this case." (Abstract)
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"In order to prepare media based support for reconciliation in Sri Lanka MICT conducted a discourse analysis that investigated media coverage of reconciliation issues in Sri Lankan newspapers. Under the supervision of MICT experts, a mixed group of 16 Tamil and Sinhalese journalists examined all art
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icles related to reconciliation in 9 Sri Lankan newspapers during the month of February 2016. Unsurprisingly, the results of the analysis confirm that newspapers differ significantly in their assessment of events. However, a huge overlap in the selection of topics demonstrates that there are shared interests between the Tamil and Sinhalese media which might provide common grounds for dialogue. In addition, the findings strongly suggest that differences between nationalist and government-supporting Sinhalese media are more far-reaching than differences between Tamil and Sinhalese media." (Publisher description)
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"Este trabajo propone analizar la representación de la pobreza como fenómeno social, desde la perspectiva de los medios de comunicación. Para este caso, se analizaron algunas notas de prensa del diario El Espectador, publicadas entre finales del 2013 y principios del 2014, en las que el término
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de pobreza evidenció diversos sentidos, que dan forma a políticas públicas o modos de vida que afectan a los sectores clasificados bajo este concepto. Se realizó una clasificación de estrategias discursivas existentes y se identificó cuáles habían sido utilizadas en las notas; luego, la información presentada mediante estas fue contrastada con la realidad social del país. Posteriormente, se revisaron estos conceptos a la luz de un marco teórico que aborda los temas de: pobreza, estrategias discursivas, representaciones lingüísticas, teorías de la comunicación y periódicos digitales. Una vez establecidas algunas referencias teóricas, se hizo posible relacionar las intencionalidades que posan detrás de las estrategias empleadas, lo cual permitió observar cómo la pobreza se convierte en un fenómeno social que se debate entre la ficción y la realidad." (Resumen)
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"The south of the Brazilian state Mato Grosso do Sul, on the border with Paraguay, was historically established by the confinement of native people and occupation of the land by the new settlers. Nowadays, indigenous people struggle for the demarcation of their lands. The areas are currently signifi
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cantly transformed by the farms of the agribusiness and many of the lands are in judicial dispute. Confrontations between landowners and indigenous people are frequent. This paper proposes a critical discourse analysis of the texts published in the largest newspaper in Mato Grosso do Sul concerning a specific confrontation that happened in August 2015. The analysis employs a post-colonial perspective, and is aware of continuing marks of coloniality and dehumanization." (Publisher description)
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"The imprisonment of Al Jazeera English (AJE) journalists (Australian Peter Greste, Egyptian-Canadian national Mohamed Fahmy, and Egyptian Baher Mohamed) in Egypt between 2013 and 2015 reflected the recent ten agenda items of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNES
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CO) about the safety of journalists (Pöyhtäri & Berger, 2015). Building on the relevance of press theories (Siebert, Peterson, & Schramm, 1956; Curran, 2002) as well as developmental and peace journalism (Carpentier, 2007 cited in Cammaerts & Carpentier, 2007) as a theoretical basis, this paper examines the twenty-one month reportage of the AJE case by public broadcasters such as AJE, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). It assesses whether the UNESCO’s Safety of Journalist agenda was covered. A “mixed method” (Kolmer, 2008), quantitative and qualitative content analysis research design, was used. Four hundred and ninety-five articles from the three broadcasters’ coverage were analyzed in two stages which overall began from the day (December 29, 2013) of arrest of the AJE trio until a week after Fahmy’s and Mohamed’s final release (September 30, 2015). The analysis found that items noted in the UNESCO’s Safety of Journalists’ agenda were not overtly spelt out in the coverage by the broadcasters but cloaked under a wider press freedom framework that hung over the case. Findings also reflected the critical need to address the safety of journalists in Egypt and other parts of Africa, despite the democratic awaking of the 2011 Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"This study examines whether changes in the media, political, and civic landscapes give leading non-governmental organizations (NGOs) increased news access. Using longitudinal content analysis (1990-2010) of a purposive sample of US news outlets, it compares the prevalence, prominence, and story loc
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ation of news articles citing leading human rights NGOs to human rights coverage more generally. In all outlets, NGO prevalence rises over time; media-savvy NGOs drive much of the growth. By contrast, prominence decreases, as do the number of NGO-driven stories. In all outlets, NGOs typically appear in stories already in the media spotlight; as sources, they appear after the statements of government officials. Finally, the news outlets most receptive to NGOs are those that commit the fewest resources to international news coverage. Overall, findings suggest that while NGO news access has indeed increased over time, such access continues to be shaped by established patterns of news construction." (Abstract)
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"This study examines media coverage of the 2011–2012 famine in Somalia by the websites of BBC News, CNN and Al-Jazeera. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analyses, it explores why coverage of the famine began as late as it did, despite ample evidence of its inevitable unf
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olding, as well as the manner in which the famine was explained in popular news accounts. The study surveys famine-related news reports for evidence of four paradigms present in the current literature on famine and its causes, through which the famine could have been understood: as a Malthusian competition between population and land; as a failure of food entitlements; as critical political event; and as an issue of criminality. The findings include an overwhelming reliance on Malthusian explanations of famine, and noticeable under-reporting of the famine – despite ample evidence – until it was formally declared as such by the United Nations." (Abstract)
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"This descriptive, empirical study gives context to how print journalists in two politically different African nations, Senegal and Ethiopia, use Twitter and Facebook to report the news and to what extent. We ask, ‘how is this new model of online reporting manifesting itself in Ethiopian and Seneg
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alese newsrooms, given Senegal’s track record of democratic government and free press and Ethiopia’s infamously authoritarian control and censorship of the country’s journalists?’. The method is a content analysis of 60 days of posts on ten print newspapers’ Twitter and Facebook pages, to establish a comparative assessment of the two nations. Findings are also given context by comparing the print newspapers’ popularity on Twitter and Facebook against each nation’s top 20 most popular Twitter and Facebook pages. Results show Ethiopia to be markedly behind in Twitter posts, but the newspapers of each country show similar rates of posting to Facebook. Journalists in both nations are not livetweeting events, but instead are linking content on social media to the newspaper’s main home page." (Abstract)
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"Es lässt sich ein ausgesprochen breites Themenspektrum und eine hohe Kontinuität innerhalb der Berichterstattung feststellen. Dabei ist die journalistische Haltung keinesfalls einseitig negativ — vielmehr wird häufig ein ausgewogenes Chinabild vermittelt, das besonders dort kritisch ist, wo si
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ch Missstände nicht nur aus deutscher Sicht kommentieren lassen. Setzt man diese Berichterstattung in Beziehung zu dem hohen Stellenwert, der den Zeitungen in Bezug auf Glaubwürdigkeit und Seriosität in allen Bevölkerungsschichten zugewiesen wird haben, selbst in der jungen Generation, so ist der Einfluss solcher Berichterstattungsformen hoch einzuschätzen. Deutlich weniger als die negative Berichterstattung fällt jedoch die quantitativ dominierende neutral-sachliche Bewertung auf — gerade diese jedoch hat sich den letzen Jahren verstärkt." (Fazit, Seite 202-3)
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"Mechachal is a collaborative project developed by the University of Oxford and Addis Ababa University to understand the nature and potential of online debates in Ethiopia. Mechachal can be translated from Amharic as “tolerance”, or as one’s awareness of their own social sphere and willingness
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to accommodate other social spheres that are different from a cultural and religious standpoint [...] Mechachal’s team developed methodology to analyse online debates that are emerging from and targeting Ethiopians in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora. This report is the first of a series of three and examines some key aspects of this approach. In particular, it offers an empirically grounded illustration of how, despite the polarization that has characterized the political environment in Ethiopia, online debates tend to favour engagement across divides, rather than exacerbating existing tensions." (Introduction)
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"This study compared social media (new media) and newspapers’ framing of the January 2012 #Occupy Nigeria Protest. Authors employed content analysis to investigate similarities and differences in the frames adopted by social media (Facebook page, blogs, conversations in Nairaland and Twitter) and
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three national newspapers (the Nigerian Tribune, The Guardian and The Punch) during the protest. Findings show that the old media fared better than the social media in their framing of the motivation, diagnosis and prognosis of the protest. This study established that representatives of the old media were better contributors to the prosecution and/or discourse of the Occupy Nigeria Protests than the social media." (Abstract)
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"We analyzed more than 13,000 statements during the project. This report primarily builds on the statements that were collected between 24 February and 24 June 2015, three months before and one month after the parliamentary elections that took place in Ethiopia on 24 May 2015. FINDING 1 - Hate and d
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angerous speech are marginal forms of speech in social media. Only 0.4% of statements in our sample have been classified as hate speech (i.e. speech that incites others to discriminate or act against individuals or groups based on their ethnicity, religion, or gender) and 0.3% as dangerous speech (i.e. speech that builds the bases for or directly calls for widespread violence against a particular group) [...] FINDING 2 - The elections on Facebook were a “non-event” - they were broadly discussed, but there was widespread disillusionment. Most Ethiopian Facebook pages discussed the elections, but many statements either directly referred to, or seemed informed by, the perception that the outcome of the elections was already predetermined, with low levels of suspense and low expectations on the part of online users [...] FINDING 3 - Dangerous speech is a distinctive and more deliberate form of attacking other groups or individuals. When compared to hate speech, as well as to other types of messages, dangerous speech reflects a more deliberate strategy to attack individuals and groups. Almost all dangerous statements in our sample are uttered by individuals seeking to hide their identity (92%). This proportion is significantly lower for statements classified as hate speech (33%) and offensive speech (31%) [...] FINDING 4 - The political, social and cultural views reflected in social media in Ethiopia are less polarized than might be expected ..." (Executive summary)
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"Hoy gracias a lo logrado con el monitoreo de medios realizado en las elecciones de Congreso y Presidencia 2014 el país cuenta con información cualificada para que especialistas, investigadores y la MOE puedan crear diálogos con periodistas de todo el país sobre la importancia de temas como la p
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articipación política de la mujer y la transparencia electoral durante los procesos democráticos." (Página 9)
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"Los estereotipos que de la mujer andina se tienen a partir de los programas de humor de la TV peruana son negativos básicamente por la fisonomía física (en general, poco atractiva, descuidada y hasta sucia) y la fisonomía intelectual (habilidad y entendimiento limitados, instrucción baja o nul
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a, etc.) que de ella (s) se hace. Aboga en su favor su fisonomía moral con importantes valores positivos (bondad, solidaridad, simpatía) más que negativos (dependencia, vulnerabilidad, agresividad) y su correspondencia a la normativa social (lo que la sociedad esperaría de ellas como mujeres) se devanea dependiendo la situación entre la concordancia (la más de las veces) y la discordancia (las menos), sumando conflictividad a los personajes." (Conclusiones, página 47)
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