"This book investigates the pervasive problem of corruption across the Middle East and North Africa. Drawing on the specifics of the local context, the book explores how corruption in the region is actuated through informal practices that coexist and work in parallel to formal institutions. When inf
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ormal practices become vehicles for corruption, they can have negative ripple effects across many aspects of society, but on the other hand, informal practices could also have the potential to be leveraged to reinforce formal institutions to help fight corruption. Drawing on a range of cases including Morocco, Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, Tunisia or Israel the book first explores the mechanisms and dynamics of corruption and informal practices in the region, before looking at the successes and failures of anti-corruption initiatives. The final section focuses on gender perspectives on corruption, which are often overlooked in corruption literature, and the role of women in the Middle East." (Publisher description)
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"The first chapter is devoted to the project development phase. It includes advice and guidance to anyone considering using participatory video (within the context of anti-corruption work) together with recommendations for key elements in the planning stage. Subsequent chapters explore critical tech
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niques for facilitating corruption-focussed projects; from the workshop stages through to fieldwork and audience engagement. A collection of detailed case studies conclude the guidebook. These describe the participatory video projects implemented by Transparency International and InsightShare, together with an extra case study from a project that addressed corruption in the school system implemented by the India-based organisation Video Volunteers. The basic techniques and approaches of participatory video are not included in this guide. The guide does not include exercises for participants to learn technical skills, develop story structures, undertake group-based filmmaking, or ice-breakers and other complimentary workshop activities [...] Instead, this guide presents specific considerations for those designing corruption-focussed projects and provides a range of exercises for the facilitators. While the focus is on addressing issues of corruption, many of the ideas and approaches will be useful to practitioners in general. The sections on Choosing Participatory Video, Participant Selection, Project Structure, and Free, Prior and Informed Consent are likely to be relevant to a wide-range of projects." (Page 9)
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"The informal practices revealed in this book include emotion-driven exchanges (from gifts or favours to tribute for services), values-based practices of solidarity and belonging enacting multiple identities, interest-driven know-how (from informal welfare to informal employment and entrepreneurship
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, often not seen or appreciated as expertise), and power-driven forms of co-optation and control. The paradox – or not – of the invisibility of these informal practices is their ubiquity. Expertly practised by insiders but often hidden from outsiders, informal practices are, as this book shows, deeply rooted all over the world. Fostering informal ties with ‘godfathers’ in Montenegro, ‘dear brothers’ in Finland and ‘little cousins’ in Switzerland – known locally as kumstvo, Hyvä veli, and Vetterliwirtschaft – as well as Klüngel (solidarity) in Cologne, Germany, compadrazgo (reciprocity) in Chile, or blat (networks of favours) in Russia, can make a world of difference to your well-being. Yet just like family relations, social ties not only enable but also limit individual decisions, behaviour and rights, as is revealed in the entries on janteloven (aversion to individuality) in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, or krugovaia poruka (joint responsibility) in Russia and Europe. The Global Informality Project (GIP) assembles pioneering research into the grey areas of informality, known yet unarticulated, enabling yet constraining, moral to ‘us’ yet immoral to ‘them’, divisive and hard to measure or integrate into policy. While typically unmentioned in official discourse, these practices are deeply woven into the fabric of society and are as pervasive as the usage of the terms, or language games, associated with them: pulling strings in the UK, red envelopes in China, pot du vin in France, l’argent du carburant paid to customs officials in sub-Saharan Africa, coffee money (duit kopi) paid to traffic policemen in Malaysia, and many others (Blundo, Olivier de Sardan, 2007: 132). While they may be taken for granted and familiar, such practices can also be uncomfortable to discuss and difficult to study." (Preface, page vii-viii)
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"Corrupt individuals have proven very adept at finding ways to get around formal constraints, which is why grassroots and bottom-up approaches to fighting corruption tend to be more sustainable in the long run than isolated institutional and legal reform. Often, well-intentioned laws are poorly enfo
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rced and institutions lack the “teeth” to make anticorruption efforts truly effective. Civil society and media are essential in applying pressure and keeping governments honest and accountable. Freedom of association, or the ability of people to form groups and influence public policy, is vital to anti-corruption. CSOs play a key role in denouncing violations of rights or speaking out against breaches of law. Similarly, a free and independent media serves an important function in investigating and reporting incidences of corruption. The voices of both civil society and journalists put a spotlight on bad actors and can help trigger action by law enforcement and the court system." (Page 1)
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"This memo presents evidence based on a survey experiment embedded in a national survey of Ukrainians and a laboratory experiment conducted with Ukrainian university students. The findings indicate that anti-Corruption messaging that emphasizes the success of anti-Corruption campaigns (i.e., a “po
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sitive” message) may reduce citizens’ willingness to give bribes. By contrast, anti-Corruption messaging emphasizing that corruption is a growing problem (i.e., a “negative” message) appears to be less effective and, in some circumstances, may even inadvertently increase citizens’ willingness to engage in corrupt acts." (Page 1)
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"With regards to actual implementations of ICT tools for anti-corruption, six main categories emerge: r-government and the digital public services; crowdsourcing platforms; whistleblowing platforms; transparency platforms; news reporting and dissemination platforms; DLT & blockchain technology. The
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report analyses each category of tools, using reviews of existing literature as well as interviews with key experts and leaders of ICT anti-corruption projects to offer insights on use cases, implantation considerations, and advantages and disadvantages of a given tool. For example, crowdsourcing platforms benefit significantly from the existence of a follow-up mechanism that allows citizen complaints to be acted upon, and transparency platforms centred on freedom of information requests are likely to succeed only if citizens feel empowered to make requests of their own without fear of being seen as confrontational or facing retribution." (Executive summary)
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"This chapter discusses the role of media in the Republic of Kazakhstan in combating corruption. First, it provides an assessment of the recently passed access to information legislation in the country as it relates to media's access to government information. Second, it analyses the extent to which
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freedom of press is guaranteed and protected, before looking at the level of professionalism and ethics in the media sector. Lastly, this chapter analyses the plurality of Kazakhstan's media sector." (Page 275)
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"Erdöl, Gas, Kupfer, Coltan - ohne diese und andere Rohstoffe wäre unser Lebensstil nicht denkbar. Einerseits ist die Weltwirtschaft von ihnen abhängig, andererseits spielt ihre Herkunft in der öffentlichen Debatte wohlhabender Länder kaum eine Rolle. Einige der größten Vorräte dieser Bodens
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chätze liegen auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent – und ihr Abbau ist mit weit reichenden politischen, gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Folgen verbunden. Der Investigativjournalist Tom Burgis hat unter anderem in Angola, Nigeria, Südafrika und der Demokratischen Republik Kongo recherchiert. Präzise und faktenbasiert beschreibt er die in höchstem Maße intransparenten Strukturen des Rohstoffhandels und stellt personelle Netzwerke und Verflechtungen dar. Nutznießer, so Burgis, seien oftmals international agierende Konzerne, gut vernetzte Geschäftsmänner, aber auch Kleptokraten, Kriegsherren und Schmuggler. Wenig Nutzen aus dem Rohstoffreichtum ziehen hingegen die lokalen Bevölkerungen. Weil die Gewinne aus dem Rohstoffhandel vielerorts den Großteil der Staatseinnahmen ausmachen, würden Autokraten und ihre Cliquen gestärkt, politische Partizipation unterbunden, Konflikte geschürt und Anreize zu Korruption und Selbstbereicherung geschaffen. Damit sei der aktuelle Umgang mit Afrikas Bodenschätzen in vielen Ländern ein massives Hemmnis für deren ökonomische und demokratische Entwicklung." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In 2014, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) government in Tanzania decided to discontinue the market-based system for textbook provision that was established in the early 1990s and revert to full state control. Drawing on the theory of political settlements and the literature on Tanzania's industrial po
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litics, the article examines the political economy of textbook provision in this country in order to generate new insights into the relations between the educational, political, and economic spheres. It showshow donor ideology and practices, while subjecting textbooks to generic market principles, also promoted the interests of Western publishing corporations. It then argues that the distribution of power within the state, and the ambiguous relations between the CCM ruling elites, bureaucrats, and the capitalist class, prevented the consolidation of a textbook industrial policy geared towards supporting the local publishing industry. Finally, the article explores elites' diverse corrupt practices to capture public funding for textbooks at the national and local levels. Under Tanzania's country-specific political settlement, the textbook sector, far from primarily serving educational goals, has indeed been reduced to a vast site of primitive accumulation." (Abstract)
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"Campaigns and movements targeting corruption often face decentralized targets rather than an identifiable dictator or external government, and can be found both in undemocratic and democratic systems. Graft and abuse are manifested in a systemic manner rather than a hodgepodge collection of illicit
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transactions. Consequently, this research brings to light new applications of civil resistance beyond the more commonly known cases against occupations, such as the Indian independence movement, and authoritarian regimes from Chile to Poland. It also expands our understanding about the dynamics of how people collectively wield nonviolent power for the common good. The focus of this research is on citizen agency: what civic actors and regular people—organized together and exerting their collective power—are doing to curb corruption as they define and experience it. Hence, the analytical framework is based on the skills, strategies, objectives, and demands of such initiatives, rather than on the phenomenon of corruption itself, which has been judiciously studied for more than two decades by scholars and practitioners from the anticorruption and development realms. I selected cases that met the following criteria: they were “popular” initiatives. They were civilian-based, involved grassroots participation, and were led and implemented by individuals from the civic realm, rather than governments or external actors, such as donors, development institutions, and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs); they were nonviolent. They did not threaten or use violence to further their aims; they involved some degree of organization and planning, which varied depending on the scope—objectives, geographical range, duration—of the civic initiative; multiple nonviolent actions were employed (thus, instances of one-off demonstrations or spontaneous protests were not considered); objectives and demands were articulated; the civic initiative was sustained over a period of time." (Introduction, pages 2-3)
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"In developing countries, the media is often confronted by a combination of factors that create fertile grounds for corruption, such as lack of training and technical skills, low professional standards, limited financial resources, opaque or government controlled ownership structures, inadequate and
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undemocratic legal frameworks. Types of corruption in the media vary from bribery in the form of cash for news, staged or fake news, gift giving, concealed advertisement to nepotism and capture by vested private or political interests. Fighting corruption in the media can involve a wide range of approaches, varying from raising awareness of ethical standards, strengthening the freedom of the press, introducing adequate media policies and legislation, promoting media accountability as well as supporting investigative journalism through technical training." (Summary)
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"It is clear that corruption is considered an important issue by South Africans. It is frequently cited as a critical issue facing the country, and many people believe that there are high levels of corruption in various parts of government. At the same time however, the incidence of bribery appears
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to be relatively low when compared to the perceived corruption figures. This may be because people are reluctant to admit to paying bribes and therefore the incidence of bribery may be under-reported. In addition, people may think of nepotism, procurement fraud, and other misuse of state resources when asked about corruption, rather than considering only petty bribery. This is a second potential explanation for the differences between perceptions and reality appearing from the survey results. Finally, in the fight against corruption, opinions on the performance of government appear to have remained fairly constant over the past ten years, whereas the role of the media is considered more important now than it was a few years ago." (Conclusion, page 7)
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"This article appraises the general state of investigative journalism in seven Pacific Island countries—Cook Islands, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Vanuatu—and asserts that the trend is not encouraging. Journalism in general, and investigative journalism in particular
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, has struggled due to harsher legislation as in military-ruled Fiji; beatings and harassment of journalists as in Vanuatu; and false charges and lawsuits targeting journalists and the major newspaper company in the Cook Islands. Corruption, tied to all the major political upheavals in the region since independence, is also discussed. Threats to investigative journalism, like the ‘backfiring effect’ and ‘anti-whistleblower’ law are examined, along with some investigative journalism success case studies." (Abstract)
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"GISWatch 2012 explores how the internet is being used to ensure transparency and accountability, the challenges that civil society activists face in fighting corruption, and when the internet fails as an enabler of a transparent and fair society. The eight thematic reports and 48 country reports pu
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blished ask provocative questions such as: Is a surveillance society necessarily a bad thing if it fights corruption? And how successful have e-government programmes been in fighting corruption? They explore options for activism by youth and musicians online, as well as the art of using visual evidence to expose delusions of power. By focusing on individual cases or stories of corruption, the country reports take a practical look at the role of the internet in combating corruption at all levels." (Back cover)
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