"Donald Trump’s foreign aid freeze will lead to a decline in the number ofindependent media outlets across the world, causing a surge in misinformation andplaying into the hands of state propagandists, media organisations have warned. The US president has suspended billions of dollars in projects
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supported by USAid, including more than $268m (£216m) allocated to support “independent media andthe free flow of information”. A USAID factsheet, accessed by the press freedom campaign group ReportersWithout Borders (RSF) before being taken offl ine, showed that in 2023 the US agency funded training and support for 6,200 journalists, assisted 707 non-state newsoutlets and supported 279 civil-society organisations dedicated to strengtheningindependent media in more than 30 countries, including Iran, Afghanistan and Russia. RSF said Trump’s decision had sowed “chaos and confusion”. Clayton Weimers, executive director of RSF US, said: “Non-profi t newsroom and media organisationshave already had to cease operations and lay off staff . The most likely scenario isthat after the 90-day freeze, they will disappear for ever.”
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"For decades, Georgia has been one of the largest per capita recipients of U.S. assistance. In 2012-2023, the years in which the Georgian Dream has been in power, total U.S. overseas development assistance (ODA) stands at USD 1 billion 920 mil lion, according to official data. Of course, the lion’
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s share of that assistance went to the government and public administration. In 2023, the U.S. government disbursed USD 143.8 million in aid to Georgia, with USD 84.5 million flowing through USAID as the primary administra tive channel. USD 77 million of that was allocated to governance-related programs, but where did all that money go? Once again, most of the assistance went to the government and public administration. To give a representative example in 2023, the last fiscal year when complete data is available, the largest share, at USD 42 million, was spent under “conflict, peace, and security” umbrella, while USD 34 million fell under “government and civil society.” Of this amount, USD 15 million support ed democratic participation and civil society, USD 6.5 million went toward legal and judicial develop ment, and USD 3.5 million was directed at media and freedom of information. Human rights programs received USD 2.1 million, while decentralization efforts got USD 600,000. Meanwhile, USD 470,000 was allocated to domestic revenue mo bilization and USD 450,000 was used to combat transnational organized crime [...] Our considered estimate is that over 2,000 Georgians are likely to lose jobs due to culling USAID, given the average number of programs, grants, and sub-grants, and the average number of people required to implement them. Most of them are qualified (first and medium-level) project and program managers with foreign language skills as well as administrative personnel (e.g., financial officers), and other support professions (e.g., media managers)." (Pages 1-3)
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"Organisations that take extreme risks to document atrocities, corruption and war crimes fear for their future after USAid cuts." (Introduction)
"When used effectively and responsibly, artificial intelligence (AI) holds the potential to accelerate progress on sustainable development and close digital divides, but it also poses risks that could further impede progress toward these goals. With the right enabling environment and ecosystem of ac
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tors, AI can enhance efficiency and accelerate development outcomes in sectors such as health, education, agriculture, energy, manufacturing, and delivering public services. The United States aims to ensure that the benefits of AI are shared equitably across the globe." (Executive summary)
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[...] Based on decades of evolving research, testing, and learning, USAID has expanded its understanding of the multiple intersecting threats media practitioners face - legal, physical, economic, and digital - and how necessary it is to work from many sides to build and reinforce media sectors that
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are as resilient as possible against the forces that would seek to shut them down.
A major demonstration of this approach comes through USAID's Summit for Democracy commitments, a series of initiatives to address these threats and advance free and independent media. The first one is the Media Viability Accelerator (MVA), which was announced at the first Summit for Democracy in December 2021. The goal of the MVA is to preserve fact-based news and information media by providing access to the data they need to build strategies to survive, thrive, adapt, and grow as businesses. Through a public-private partnership with USAID, Microsoft, and Internews, MVA is a unique data platform using artificial intelligence and other digital tools to enable media outlets to better understand markets, audiences, and strategies that will maximize their odds of profitability.
Second, USAID's $20 million contribution to the International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM) is helping to boost global support through grants to develop and sustain a wide range of independent news organizations. To date, IFPIM has committed nearly $9 million through 32 grants across 16 countries to media outlets in urgent need of financial assistance and to strengthen their long-term sustainability. USAID's initial seed funding has leveraged an additional $30 million from 15 governments, philanthropies, and corporate entities.
The third initiative is Reporters Shield, an innovative program that helps protect investigative media outlets and civil society organizations from strategic litigation against public participation lawsuits, or other legal threats meant to silence their reporting. Prior to the launch of Reporters Shield, such help was inconsistent, ad hoc, reactive, and, often, expensive. USAID Administrator Samantha Power launched the next phase of USAID's Reporters Shield, at the United Nations Headquarters last World Press Freedom Day on May 3. Reporters Shield is now providing legal support services and capacity development for 12 media outlets and civil society organizations doing investigative reporting, with more than 100 applications still under review during the launch phase alone." (Pages 4-6)
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"The Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment (DECA) Toolkit is a step-by-step guide designed to help USAID Missions conduct high-quality research that will directly inform Mission strategic and programmatic decisions for digital development interventions. The DECA is the flagship initiative of the USAI
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D Digital Strategy. It identifies opportunities and risks in a country’s digital ecosystem to help the development, design, and implementation of USAID’s strategies, projects, and activities. The DECA informs USAID Missions and other key decision-makers about how to better understand, work with, and support a country’s digital ecosystem. This Toolkit is designed to provide Mission staff with the tools and information needed to conduct this assessment." (About this Toolkit, page 5)
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"This Primer aims to: improve USAID staff's understanding of digital literacy; demonstrate how digital literacy contributes to broader global development goals; describe how digital literacy can be incorporated into various stages of the USAID program cycle; and detail ways in which different sector
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s and practice areas can develop digital literacy through their unique activities. This primer builds on the Digital Competence (DigComp) digital literacy framework developed by the European Union (EU) and considered to be the gold standard for understanding digital literacy. The DigComp framework will enable USAID staff to develop digital literacy activities, share best practices, and capture lessons learned with a shared understanding and technical approach. Digital literacy is a broad topic that encompasses a range of competences from basic literacy and numeracy skills to advanced computing and information processing skills. Sharing a language and an understanding of each of the core competences of digital literacy will improve USAIDfs programming, understanding, and collaboration on this topic that is critical to effective digital programming." (About this primer, page 6)
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"The Digital Ecosystem Framework is organized around three separate, overlapping pillars:
Digital Infrastructure and Adoption: the resources that make digital systems possible and how individuals and organizations access and use these resources;
Digital Society, Rights, and Governance: how digital t
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echnology intersects with government, civil society, and the media;
Digital Economy: the role digital technology plays in increasing economic opportunity and efficiency.
USAID’s Digital Ecosystem framework encompasses four cross-cutting topics:
Inclusion: reducing disparities in access and the “digital divide”;
Cybersecurity: protecting information against damage, unauthorized use or modification, or exploitation;
Emerging Technologies: encompassing artificial intelligence, Internet of Things, blockchain, 5G and other new technologies;
Geopolitical Positioning: the influence of authoritarian states that are actively working to shape the global digital space." (https://www.ictworks.org/usaid-digital-ecosystem-framework)
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"The digital strategy centers around two core, mutually reinforcing objectives: improve measurable development and humanitarian assistance outcomes through the responsible use of digital technology in USAID’s programming; and strengthen the openness, inclusiveness, and security of country-level di
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gital ecosystems. These objectives, and USAID’s approach to achieving them, support the goals and principles outlined in key policy documents, including the USAID Policy Framework, the Department of State-USAID Joint Strategic Plan, and the U.S. National Cyber, National Security, and Counterterrorism Strategies. USAID will work to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of foreign assistance through the consistent and responsible use of digital technology in our development and humanitarian programming. Through our programmatic investments, USAID will work to strengthen the critical components of digital ecosystems that enable sustainable growth in a digital age: a sound enabling environment and policy commitment; robust and resilient digital infrastructure; capable digital service providers and workforce; and, ultimately, empowered end-users of digitally enabled services." (Executive summar, page 4)
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"This study develops a technosocial framework for assessing the efficacy of global aid agencies’ use of Twitter’s algorithmic affordances for participatory social change. We combine computational and interpretive methods to examine tweets posted by three global aid agencies—U.S. Agency for Int
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ernational Development, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, and the International Committee of the Red Cross—as well as public tweets that mention these agencies (N = ~100,000). Results indicate that when an agency (a) replies to or retweets public tweeters, (b) includes publicly oriented hashtags and hyperlinks in its tweets, and (c) tweets about topics that the public is also interested in and tweeting about, the social network that develops around the agency is more interconnected, decentralized, and reciprocal. Our framework can help development institutions build more participatory social networks, with multiple voices helping determine collective goals and strategies of collective action for sustainable social change. We also discuss the theoretical implications and methodological significance of our approach." (Abstract)
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"Development institutions communicate about development through mediated communication strategies. The advent of image-intensive digital spaces such as Instagram has facilitated communication for these institutions, making ‘development’ more accessible to the public. However, the representation
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of development in these institutional digital spaces remains largely unexamined. By conceptualising Instagram as an emerging context for the ‘public face of development’, we conducted a content analysis of 300 Instagram posts by three major bilateral development agencies (USAID, DFID, and SIDA) in order to address critical questions concerning how they communicated about development agendas, subjects, and processes of development to the public. The study reveals that these representations of development in digital space largely adhere to feminised and infantilised visions of ‘ideal victimhood’ when projecting ‘what’ and ‘who’ should receive attention. These representations thus served to justify the Western-centred, neoliberal modes of development. Overall, these agencies’ communicative patterns regarding ‘how development can be achieved’ articulate perspectives on development to ‘look-good’ at home and ‘do-good’ abroad that make social change seem readily achievable." (Abstract)
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"As it seeks to win the hearts and minds of citizens in the Muslim world, the United States has poured millions of dollars into local television and radio programming, hoping to generate pro-American currents on Middle Eastern airwaves. However, as this fascinating new book shows, the Middle Eastern
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media producers who rely on these funds are hardly puppets on an American string, but instead contribute their own political and creative agendas while working within U.S. restrictions. The Other Air Force gives readers a unique inside look at television and radio production in Afghanistan and the Palestinian territories, from the isolated villages of the Afghan Panjshir Valley to the congested streets of Ramallah. Communications scholar Matt Sienkiewicz explores how the U.S. takes a “soft-psy” approach to its media efforts combining “soft” methods of encouraging entertainment programming, such as adaptations of The Voice and The Apprentice with more militaristic “psy-ops” approaches to information control. Drawing from years of field research and interviews with everyone from millionaire executives to underpaid but ever resourceful cameramen, Sienkiewicz considers the perspectives of the Afghan and Palestinian media workers trying to forge viable broadcasting businesses without straying outside American-set boundaries for acceptable content." (Publisher description)
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"This case study of USAID media assistance program reporting documents (n=68) looks at specific monitoring and evaluation characteristics as reported over a 20-year period and how reporting documents make the link to democratization. The analysis found that although M&E activity has improved as repo
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rted over the 20-year period of the study, 75 percent of the documents ranked in the lower half of cumulative M&E characteristics scoring. It also found that the relationship between democratization characteristics and media assistance are not clarified by the monitoring and evaluation data as reported. The study does show the USAID database to be a rich source of data about how media assistance programs have been implemented in different cultures, countries and political environments." (Abstract)
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"Does USAID’s democracy promotion program work? Although some prior studies have examined specific projects in individual countries, no prior effort has studied the question on a world-wide basis, and no prior study has encompassed the entire post Cold-War period. [...] In the first phase of that
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research, we found that the answer to that question was “yes.” That is, on average, in the period 1990-2003, USAID’s investments in democracy promotion produced significant increases in the national level of democracy as measured by Freedom House and Polity IV indicators. [...] The current report presents the results of the second phase of the project “Cross-National Research on USAID’s Democracy and Governance Programs.” [...] In the current effort, the data set is extended from 14 years to cover 15 years (1990-2004) and 165 countries, yielding 2,416 observations (country-years). [...] USAID civil society and media assistance have a significant positive impact directly on their respective sectors, and USAID human rights assistance has a significant negative impact on the human rights outcome." (Executive summary, page 2, page 5)
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"This book represents one step in explaining international efforts to promote independent media. It attempts to examine the nature and significance of media assistance, discussing the evolution of the field, the focus of various programming approaches, and the possible impact of such efforts. It pre
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sents case studies of media assistance programs in different countries. The book concludes with a set of recommendations for expanding and deepening media assistance for the international community. This book project grew out of a multi-country study that I directed in 2002–2004 to examine media assistance programs funded by the US Agency for International Development. The overall purpose of the study was to assess the nature and effectiveness of USAID programs and make policy and programmatic recommendations for the future. In writing this book I have mostly drawn from the massive information collected during two years of research and analysis. The book is based primarily on three sources of information. First are reviews of literature covering scholarly writings, project and program documents, and articles in popular magazines and newspapers on media assistance. Such reviews were country specific as well as global in nature. Because the academic literature is extremely limited and media assistance is hardly covered in magazines and newspapers except in high-profile cases such as Bosnia and Serbia, reviews largely relied on program documentation. I had the unique advantage of perusing thousands of documents that are not available to the public. Although mostly descriptive and often self-serving, they identified critical gaps in our knowledge and illuminated the challenges and achievements of international media endeavors. Second, my colleagues and I undertook extensive fieldwork in seven countries/regions—Afghanistan, Bosnia, Central America, Indonesia, Russia, Serbia, and Sierra Leone. In each of these cases, research teams conducted extensive discussions with international donor agencies, officials of host countries, project staff and contractors, and local media experts and journalists. Every possible effort was made to interview all those experts and managers who had intimate knowledge of the ongoing media assistance programs. Teams also examined locally available documents and reports and used translators to translate documents into English when necessary. In the absence of hard quantitative data, they largely relied on available documentation, indepth interviews, and their own knowledge of the media scene for their findings and conclusions. Finally, I organized a series of meetings in Washington, D.C., to discuss the findings of the country studies and explore new directions for media assistance programs. Such meetings helped to identify many problems and challenges facing media assistance programs and helped in formulating a set of recommendation for policymakers." (Chapter 1, page 10-11)
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"Over the past five years USAID has supported anti-trafficking activities in more than 70 countries tailored to the conditions of the country. Most prevention programs combine awareness raising and education, employment, and income generation. Protection programs include training and other support f
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or local providers of victim services, as well as direct support for shelters. To improve prosecution of traffickers, USAID provides anti-trafficking training for law enforcement and the judiciary. USAID support for anti-trafficking activities in 2005 totaled $21.34 million, of which $15.18 million was from USAID resources and $6.16 was from the President’s AntiTrafficking Initiative. African countries received $2.2 million; Latin American and Caribbean Countries received $7.58 million (including $6.16 million from the President’s Initiative); $3.4 million went to countries in Asia and the Near East; and, countries in Europe and Eurasia received $7.86 million." (Introduction)
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