"This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering post-Conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and ec
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onomically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population." (Abstract)
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"In January 2009, a small group of senior governance researchers, political scientists, anthropologists, participatory development and media researchers met, together with donor and media practitioner organisations. Their aim was to take a reality check of the state of development research relevant
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to the role of media in ‘fragile states’, and to map out the basis of a more robust research agenda. This is the report of this one day meeting." (Page 2)
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"As outlined in the introductory presentation the paths to state failure are various. It is conceivable that corruption, inefficiency and the erosion of state control of the legitimate use of force could lead to the gradual erosion of state capacity. More common, as in the cases of Somalia, Liberia,
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Sierra Leone and DRC, is a situation in which armed conflict leads to the collapse of the incumbent regime and warlordism fills the vacuum that is left behind. In a more extreme case, the complete destruction of the state could be brought about, as has likely happened in Iraq since 2003. In order to rebuild state capacity, it is necessary to provide infrastructure, re-establish law and order, reassert the state’s monopoly on the use of force, make provisions for social services and, through all of these measures, regain political legitimacy. These are all considered to be necessary steps in helping a ‘failed state’ to become re-established in the wake of conflict. The question at the centre of the three themes of debate was where the media should be placed among competing priorities in state and social reconstruction. In order to tease out core issues, IMS created the two categories of ‘Media Purists’ and ‘Media Pragmatists’ to articulate opposing arguments. The background paper for the conference provides a detailed description of both positions. Participants were requested to use these perspectives to identify clashes of opinion and orientate themselves between these positions. Generally speaking, Media Purists would advocate against restrictions prescribed by the state and other bodies, whilst Media Pragmatists would see the need for regulation in order to create the desired media landscape over the longer-term." (Introduction, page 6)
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"Während die Untersuchung von Kriegsberichterstattung und Propaganda auf eine lange Tradition in der sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung zurückblicken kann, gibt es bislang erst wenige empirische Untersuchungen, welche die Berichterstattung über Nachkriegs- und Friedensprozesse zum Gegenstand habe
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n. Das vorliegende Buch untersucht diese Fragen unter einer dezidiert sozialpsychologischen Perspektive und enthält sowohl theoretische als auch empirische Arbeiten, in denen die Rolle der Medien in Kriegs- und Nachkriegssituationen aus drei Perspektiven beleuchtet wird: Produktionsbedingungen, Medieninhalt und Rezeption. Ausgehend von sozialpsychologischen Theorien und empirischen Befunden über Kriegsberichterstattung und Propaganda werden Konzepte einer konstruktiven Konfliktberichterstattung entwickelt und zu den Produktionsbedingungen von Journalismus in Beziehung gesetzt. Im Mittelpunkt des Projektes stehen vier empirische Untersuchungsfelder: (1) die Untersuchung der deutschen Presseberichterstattung über Frankreich von 1946 bis 1970, (2) die Untersuchung der deutschen, griechischen und serbischen Berichterstattung über Jugoslawien nach dem Sturz von Miloševiæ, (3) die Untersuchung der Akzeptanz deeskalationsorientierter Berichterstattung und ihrer Auswirkungen auf die mentalen Modelle der Leser, (4) die Untersuchung der Produktionsbedingungen von Konfliktberichterstattung." (Einleitung, Seite 7)
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"Highlights the major accomplishments and setbacks of electoral, human rights and media assistance to eight post-conflict countries: Cambodia, Ethipoia, Rwanda, Uganda, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, El Salvador and Guatemala. International assistance has been instrumental in encouraging democratic initi
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atives in post-Conflict societies. However, democracy assistance has not been as effective as it could have been for a number of reasons." (commbox)
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"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
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llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
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"The bloody conflicts of the past decade have focused international attention on the strategic role of the media in promoting war and perpetuating chaos. Written against this backdrop, Forging Peace brings together case studies and legal analysis of the steps that the United Nations, NATO, and other
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organizations have taken to build pluralist and independent media in the wake of massive human rights violations. It examines current thinking on the legality of unilateral humanitarian intervention, and analyzes in graphic detail the pioneering use of information intervention techniques in conflict zones, ranging from full-scale bombardment and confiscation of transmitters to the establishment of new laws and regulatory regimes. With its focus on the role of media in preventing human rights violations, Forging Peace will influence policy and debate for years to come." (Publisher description)
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