"Since its publication in 2004, Hallin and Mancini's model has become a pioneer in understanding the dynamics of media systems in different national contexts. Many studies related to politics that identify the patterns, trends, and variations used by communication systems in different countries and
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historical moments follow this seminal study to evaluate the formation of public opinion and the quality of democracy. For this article, we obtained 3,455 articles published in Web of Science within the Social Sciences Citation. Index using the open-source software Science Mapping Analysis Tool, which we chose as a bibliometric technique for its feasibility in providing a conceptual structure through the spatial representation and disciplinary interrelation with fields like specialization, studies, and authors. By analyzing the co-occurrence of keywords, we drew scientific maps that enable the analysis of their conceptual and social evolution over consecutive periods. The results provide up-to-date information on the state of the model and its relevance in the field of communication and policy today, its strengths, limitations, and potential areas of development. The findings identify less studied areas in the field, drawing inspiration from the Mancini model. This open up a guide for future research by identifying themes and questions through bibliometric analysis." (Abstract)
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"The year 2024 marks the 20th anniversary of the publication of Comparing Media Systems (2004), by Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini, a book that established three major media models in the Western world. Subsequently, the same authors published Comparing Media Systems Beyond the Western World (201
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1), which extended the work to other countries such as Russia, Poland, and China. In both cases, the interest was in the comparative analysis using a series of variables that made it possible to classify the media structures of the countries into differential groups. For their analysis, the authors included different study categories that need to be reinterpreted considering technological evolution, changes in consumption habits, or the irruption of social networks. This thematic issue is a proposal for a review of media models in different countries and aims to be a starting point for future lines of research on this subject. A total of 10 articles are presented to address an academic debate on the scientific relevance of Hallin and Mancini's work, its contribution to comparative media studies, and its necessary re-reading in a historical-temporal framework different from the moment in which it was published." (Abstract)
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"An overview of the Armenian media system is presented from the perspective of media professionals. Interference with the media system by the political system is analysed and the health of the Armenian media system is explored in the context of its transition from a Soviet republic towards a liberal
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model. The international situation contextualises analysis (resurgence of Russia-West enmity and globalisation) as does Armenia's troubled relationship with its neighbours: with Turkey due to the 1915 genocide and with Azerbaijan because of the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. Relevant domestic affairs, such as the successful citizens' mobilisation and the 2018 Velvet Revolution are also considered. The methodology used is based on in-depth interviews carried out in Yerevan (09/23) with 13 key informants; their answers are explored with content analysis using Hallin and Mancini's dimensions. The study will serve to discuss how the media are used as tools of power and how the media system reproduces the political system (polarisation and individual ownership). We find that media is owned and/or controlled by political parties, and that the government controls public media but also part of the private sector through broadcasting licences and economic pressure. News media are not self-sustainable; thus, media economic dependence compromises its editorial independence, and very few media are independent. There is plurality, but highly polarised; there is no systematic censorship, but defamation fines reinforce journalists' self-censorship; internet freedom is high but generates misinformation. Even so, there is professionalism, therefore there may yet be hope for the media if peace and the economy stabilise." (Abstract)
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"This article attempts to explain the current situation of the Turkish media system through the media systems approach as a case study with special attention to the concept of media capture. We propose that the Turkish media system's shift is heavily influenced by media capture. We associate four of
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Hallin and Mancini's media systems concepts related to the effects of media capture in the Turkish media system shift: rise of political parallelism, erosion of journalistic professionalism (ethics), controlling role of the state, and government-friendly ownership concentration. In explaining the shift from a pluralist polarised to captured media in Turkey, we acknowledge the potential for new, independent, and alternative media to emerge. The article also comments that the potential reason for this shift from a captured liberal to a captured media in Turkey is the climate of fear that has allowed successive governments in Turkey to attempt media capture. In general, this article attempts to provide insight into the current relationship between media and politics in Turkey." (Abstract)
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"When Hallin and Mancini (2004) produced their watershed three models theory, South Africa was a new democracy barely a decade old. Even then, along with other countries of the Global South, the experience of a young democracy posed certain critical challenges to Hallin and Mancini's understanding o
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f the way that media and politics interrelate. Two decades later, South Africa has continued to change. There has been increased diversity in media ownership, rapid growth in community and social media, digital disruption, and significant challenges to media freedom. How does the three models theory stack up now? This article reviews scholarly critiques of Hallin and Mancini's model, including their follow-up work, Comparing Media Systems Beyond the Western World (2012), and assesses to what extent the three models is still a valid approach to understanding the connection between media and politics in the Global South. The article concludes by evaluating Hadland's (2012) Africanisation of the model in light of the complex postcolonial trajectories of South Africa, suggesting that this, along with Hallin et al.'s (2021) expanded hybridisation model, still offers a better set of variables with which to understand how the media and political systems intertwine in the postcolony." (Abstract)
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"This article endeavors to delve into the recent transformation of the Romanian media landscape, aiming to offer a nuanced comprehension of the cultural and political dynamics that have influenced journalistic practices. The Romanian media environment has undergone swift changes, transitioning from
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a monolithic structure to one increasingly driven by commercial interests, all while navigating economic and political pressures. The shift toward a free-market framework has not only reshaped the social and political fabric but has also significantly impacted the media sector. This article posits that the Romanian media landscape is shaped by the interplay of cultural, economic, and political forces, evident in journalistic outputs across both traditional and digital platforms. This assertion aligns with Hallin and Mancini's (2004) notion of parallelism between journalism and politics. Moreover, it extends this perspective to encompass cultural influences and the evolving media landscape resulting from shifts in the media market, changing consumption patterns, and the proliferation of digital media. Key indicators such as professional standards, editorial autonomy, transparency, financial sustainability, political influence, and media regulations are critically examined within the unique context of Romania, in which political interference and growing reliance on advertising revenue often curtail editorial independence. In conclusion, the article reflects on the current state of the Romanian media system and the manifold challenges it confronts amidst the changing dynamics of the media landscape." (Abstract)
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"This study explores TV in Romania and Bulgaria, both considered "emerging" media systems in post-communist studies (Sparks, 1995). It uses Hallin and Mancini's (2004) framework to analyze the central aspects regarding the configuration of commercial TV. The study offers an institutional perspective
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on TV by exploring the licensing frame and the TV offer. The interaction between commercial TV, politics, and the state underlines the intricate relations through powerful and influential networks involving the interests of a variety of individuals and groups. Currently, commercial TV is the most developed type of media in both countries. Through its empirical contribution, this study fills in the blind spot of media research, aiming to contribute to the understanding of the Romanian and Bulgarian media landscape. It offers a critical perspective on TV systems in relation to the polarized pluralist/Mediterranean model of Hallin and Mancini, considering its explanatory function within the analysis of Eastern European media systems. Elements of the national markets revealed particularities of the TV business, synchronically connected to the contemporary"hyper-television" vision (Scolari, 2009) and the "informational disorder" paradigm (Tambini, 2020)."(Absract)
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"This article discusses a possible revision of the interpretative schema that was proposed in the book Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics, published in 2004 before the dramatic development of digital communication. In particular, the article focuses on the idea of the media
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system and its possible use in the digital age. Digitalization seems to foster a process of deinstitutionalization that undermines the role of institutions such as the state, political parties, and news outlet organizations that, in the era of legacy media, were affecting the feature of the media system and therefore represented important subjects of investigation and comparison as to the schema proposed in the book. Digitalization transfers, both in the field of news media and in politics, a number of functions that were played by these institutions to single, dispersed actors; today, the observation of these actors and their actions appears more complex also because of their volatility." (Abstract)
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