"This book investigates the role of citizen journalism in railroading social and political changes in sub-Saharan Africa. Case studies are drawn from research conducted by leading scholars from the fields of media studies, journalism, anthropology and history, who uniquely probe the real impact of t
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echnologies in driving change in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"This article examines the role of participation in development through community radio. Ordinary people participate in community radio through programme production, financing, management and the daily operations of the station. This enables them to define the development problems faced by their com
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munities, and to find solutions to those problems – they therefore participate in development through community radio. As such, the term ‘participation’ is presented as an empowering factor for ordinary people and as a potential solution to the many development problems faced by the community. Using Nkhotakota community radio station in Malawi as a case study, the article employs Sherry Arnstein’s ladder of participation to evaluate various forms of participation in the media and in development. The article finds that ordinary people’s participation in the media is low or reduced. The argument is made that while some development goals require the full involvement of the people (e.g., access to media technology, participation in programme production, management and daily operations of the station), others do not require full-blown engagement for development to be realised. Therefore, community radio can encourage development even when members of the community do not participate fully in the activities of the radio through other means such as promoting development initiatives started by non-governmental organisations (NGOs)." (Abstract)
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"This study identified three local or subregional incidents that led to heated debates on Twitter: a video shared on Twitter of the sexual assault of a woman on Cairo’s Tahrir Square in June 2014, anti-fracking protests in southern Algeria in early 2015, and Saudi Arabia’s military intervention
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in Yemen in March 2015 [...] By closely tracing how Twitter debates on these three issues unfolded and conducting interviews with agenda setters for these debates, this study sheds light on Twitter’s role in important social and political discussions as well as on the scope and patterns of Twitter networks. In other words, it highlights the various ways Twitter is being utilized by ordinary people, activists, media outlets, and officials, and it provides an idea of the political impact they can have via Twitter." (Page 5)
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"In order to offer a more nuanced account of the relationship between online media and politics, this article proposes a theoretical framework that pays attention to discursive struggles, identifies strategies to contest hegemonic discourses, and employs a broadened notion of politics, referred to a
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s minimal politics. The framework is then used to analyze a corpus of Weibo (microblog) posts published by the charity organization, Love Save Pneumoconiosis (LSP). LSP activists use Weibo to campaign for medical treatment for workers with pneumoconiosis, and the article identifies two strategies of contestation in LSP activists' online activism. First, LSP activists articulate alternative discourses that challenge the hegemony of official discourses. Second, LSP activists' discourses are polyphonic expressions that legitimize the organization's work, while subtly politicizing the problem of pneumoconiosis. The strategies of contestation used by LSP activists exemplify how political contestation is possible in repressive contexts and illustrate the need to refine the theories used to study the political impact of online media." (Abstract)
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"This collection brings together new research on contemporary media, politics and power. It explores ways and means through which media can and do empower or dis-empower citizens at the margins that is, how they act as vehicles of, or obstacles to, civic agency and social change." (Publisher descrip
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tion)
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"Die Entfaltung der E-Demokratie legt die Probleme der demokratischen Praxis in Südkorea offen: da sich die Bürger durch die politischen Institutionen nicht repräsentiert fühlen, suchen sie neue Wege, ihre Meinung zu äußern. Dabei sind die Netizens den politischen Akteuren und staatlichen Stel
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len zwar in der Nutzung der neuesten Programme und Medien zu politischen Zwecken einen Schritt voraus, aber sie setzen sich noch nicht positiv oder langfristig mit dem politischen Alltag auseinander." (Seite 156-7)
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"1. The DAME project has contributed to its overall objective of ‘strengthening the democratization process in Timor-Leste’ and to its specific objective of ‘enhanced engagement between NSAs, State authorities and their constituencies’ in the development process. 2. Most effective were the a
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ctivities strengthening youth leadership (Youth Forums and Civic Leadership trainings). Some 2500 youth all over Timor-Leste learned about the very skills needed for democracy. This is a promising contribution to strengthening the democratic process. 3. Core elements of the DAME approach - inclusiveness, NSA-SA collaboration, conflict prevention, and a consistent focus on youth and women - are highly relevant in view of the social, political and postconflict context in Timor-Leste, in particular by contributing to (and complementing) current government approaches. 4. However, the Action was over-ambitious in terms of objectives, partners with mixed capacities, activities, and target groups, covering all districts, and as a consequence some Action components suffered from insufficient in-depth development of quality, follow-up, coherence and cross-fertilization." (Executive summary)
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"The three case studies depict a range of repressive efforts that are calibrated to achieve particular ends. Sometimes, the authorities choose to co-opt independent voices. In other instances, the regime may create new government-backed versions of media initiatives or civic organizations which mimi
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c the form but not the substance of their authentic counterparts. Some techniques emphasize regulatory controls, while others utilize economic or financial pressure. All three regimes rely on broadly worded laws to punish critics and encourage self-censorship. State-run media remain dominant sources of information for most of the population in each country, and are used by the authorities as a weapon to tarnish and subvert the work of civil society activists and independent journalists." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Mechachal is a collaborative project developed by the University of Oxford and Addis Ababa University to understand the nature and potential of online debates in Ethiopia. Mechachal can be translated from Amharic as “tolerance”, or as one’s awareness of their own social sphere and willingness
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to accommodate other social spheres that are different from a cultural and religious standpoint [...] Mechachal’s team developed methodology to analyse online debates that are emerging from and targeting Ethiopians in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora. This report is the first of a series of three and examines some key aspects of this approach. In particular, it offers an empirically grounded illustration of how, despite the polarization that has characterized the political environment in Ethiopia, online debates tend to favour engagement across divides, rather than exacerbating existing tensions." (Introduction)
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"This article critically reflects on how social media platforms such as Twitter (read here as a heteroglossic text and space) enable and encourage public participation in wider national conversations. The article explores this through the work of key bloggers/activists and citizen journalists, refle
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cting on how they construct as well as enable new participatory forms of civic/political engagement through Twitter. While the platform seems to have created its own hierarchies, horizontal participation is still much greater than with mainstream media formats. The discussion demonstrates the growing institutionalisation of the online space as an important platform for popular expression in Kenya, if at the same time offering an indictment of mainstream media's regime of ‘closure’ to outsider voices." (Abstract)
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"Many people in rural areas in Malawi lack access to information due to illiteracy and the unavailability of reliable sources of information. There is also an absence of a proper forum where rural ordinary people can express their views and have their voices heard. However, in communities where ther
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e are community radio stations, the stations are helping create spaces for ordinary people to participate in public life by setting up radio listening clubs (RLCs). This article examines how RLCs offer ordinary people opportunities for mediated participation in public debate and for self-representation. Based on face-to-face interviews, focus group discussions and participant observation, the article argues that the organization of listeners into RLCs by community radio stations enables ordinary people to receive and discuss crucial information and hold debate on issues of interest. As such, the RLCs possess some characteristics of the public sphere; hence the reference to them as alternative public spheres." (Abstract)
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"Assumptions about the role of call-in programmes as open spaces for pubic engagement and accountability often fail to account for the influence of existing power structures and multiple publics engaging in these programmes for a variety of reasons. Furthermore, the history of call-in programmes rev
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eals that the nature of the medium itself can restrict participation in ways that have not been considered in the literature on media and development in Africa. As this article has argued, radio call-in shows are dynamic spaces where journalists, audiences and public authorities contribute to shaping the public debate, negotiate and renegotiate their roles, and assert and transform the networks of power that link them together. While these spaces have been hailed by academics, NGOs and donors as tools to promote institutional accountability and democratic participation, our analysis shows that they do not simply offer a new platform for citizens to speak up; they also offer a way for existing power structures to reproduce themselves in new forms. This analysis has demonstrated that motivations for calling in are diverse and reflect the multiple actors who call in, many of whom are not seeking to hold authority to account but rather to build their own reputation and social capital. These radio call-in programmes can take on different forms and be influenced by different structural, political and social factors. They are also invested with different degrees of politicisation by the audience." (Conclusion, page 1521-1522)
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"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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"In many ways what is identified today as "cultural globalization" in Eastern Europe has its roots in the Cold War phenomena of samizdat ("do-it-yourself" underground publishing) and tamizdat (publishing abroad). This volume offers a new understanding of how information flowed between East and West
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during the Cold War, as well as the much broader circulation of cultural products instigated and sustained by these practices. By expanding the definitions of samizdat and tamizdat from explicitly political, print publications to include other forms and genres, this volume investigates the wider cultural sphere of alternative and semi-official texts, broadcast media, reproductions of visual art and music, and, in the post-1989 period, new media. The underground circulation of uncensored texts in the Cold War era serves as a useful foundation for comparison when looking at current examples of censorship, independent media and the use of new media in countries like China, Iran, and the former Yugoslavia." (Book cover)
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"Mediated Communities brings together a diverse, global cohort of academics and professional communicators to assess the current state of democratic mobilizing around the world and the ways in which protest movements are being transformed in the midst of a communication revolution. The volume’s co
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ntributors draw on a variety of international settings—from Greece to Lebanon, China to Argentina—to demonstrate the ways in which community organizing in the digital age relies increasingly on digital media to communicate, help participants find common ground, and fight for change. The contributors acknowledge the challenges that lie ahead for creating real and lasting democratic change but at the same time are able to draw attention to the potential that digital media hold for strengthening citizen voices around the globe." (Back cover)
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