"This study explores self-visual presentation practices by female political candidates on Facebook during Kenya’s political campaigns that culminated in the national elections of 2022. The unit of analysis is the Facebook profile image of the women leaders. Image-centrism is operationalized as the
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extent to which ‘the image’ becomes the primary mode of self-presentation in political communication discourse. The study adopts a social semiotic approach to image interpretation postulated by Roland Barthes (1972) and Kress and van Leeuwen (1996). Using Kress and van Leeuwen’s approach, images are studied as ‘linguistic codes’ that have their own ‘grammatical’structure. Barthes’s approach explores the cultural dimension of the images. The argument here is that visual communication is context-bound, and the theoretical premise laid is that politics is given direction, shape, and impetus by the culture of a people. In order to understand visual political communication in Kenya, therefore, the study analyses and interprets images from the lens of the wider African cultural contexts within which this communication takes place. The overarching questions in this study include: a) How did female politicians in Kenya strategically use Facebook images for self-representation during the political campaigns in 2022? b) How have women politicians in Kenya interwoven cultural ideology with visual political communication on their Facebook pages? The ultimate conclusion is that political images not only serve as discourses for communicating political ideas and making political statements, but they also serve as self-representation modes as well as cultural manifestation codes that illuminate specific societal concepts." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates social media usage patterns, Twitter’ frequency use and message typologies of selected South African female politicians’. Using the digital public sphere theory as a lens, the study considers six hundred Twitter posts from six female politicians from the African National
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Congress, Democratic Alliance, and Economic Freedom Fighters political parties to examine the potential of social media for visibility and participation, particularly for female politicians who are underrepresented in mainstream media platforms. The study finds that these politicians leverage digital media to promote their public works, challenging media gatekeeping and asserting agency in shaping public discourse. The findings also reveal the strategic use of social media for selfpromotion allowing female politicians to enhance visibility, influence public perception, and consolidate their positions." (Abstract)
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"The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Media and Communication in the Middle East and North Africa stands as an authoritative and up-to-date resource on the critical debates, research methods and ongoing reflections on how gender and communication intersect with the economic, social, political, and cultu
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ral fabrics of the countries in the MENA region. The handbook comprises thirty chapters written by both established and rising scholars of gender, media, and digital technologies, and will rely on fresh data which seeks to capture the dynamic and complex realities of MENA societies, as well as the tensions and contradictions in the politics of gender and uses of communication technologies. The Handbook is split into six sections: Gender, Identities and Sexualities; The Gender of Politics; Gender and Activism; Gender-Based Violence; Gender and Entrepreneurship; and Gender in Expressive Cultures." (Publisher description)
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"This book demonstrates the crucial link between gender and structures of power in democratic Indonesia, and the role of the online news media in regulating this relationship of power. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) as a theoretical framework, and social actor analysis as the methodological
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approach, this book examines the discursive representation of three prominent female Indonesian political figures in the mainstream Indonesian online news media in a period of social-political transition. It presents newfound linguistic evidence in the form of discourse strategies that reflect the women's dynamic relationship with power. More broadly, the critical analysis of the news discourse becomes a way of uncovering and evaluating implicit barriers and opportunities affecting women's political participation in Indonesia and other Asian political contexts, Indonesia's process of democratisation, and the influential role of the online news media in shaping and reflecting political discourse." (Publisher description)
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"Social media offered new opportunities for politicians to engage with the public. However, little research has explored public perceptions of women politicians and their role in women’s empowerment, especially in non-Western contexts. This study used a qualitative methodology to explore how young
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Emirati women made sense of gender and other identities in their discussions of Emirati women politicians on social media. Drawing from intersectionality theory, the study looked beyond gender, exploring other identities that may play a role in Emirati women’s perceptions. The results offered insights into the family and ethnic identity as they interacted with gender. The findings also highlighted the challenges of personalizing messages in a patriarchal society. This study contributes to international political communication research and practice by understanding the complexity of women’s sense-making of social media and women politicians in a non-Western context." (Abstract)
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"This research presents findings and recommendations about the nature, scale, and impact of threats faced by select categories of public-facing women in Sierra Leone. Specifically, by women human rights defenders (HRDs) and women journalists." (Research methodology)
"All respondents had experienced online violence. Misogynistic hate speech, sexists’ comments, body shaming as well as slut shaming was common among the women journalists and WHRDs interviewed. These threats were also extended to their families, friends, relatives and networks. Another frequently
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mentioned attack was the attempted hacking into women’s email. Most of the women interviewed reduced their online activity and presence in response to online violence whereas others deactivated some of their online accounts. The story theme most often identified in association with increased attacks was gender, followed by politics and elections, human rights and social policy. Anonymous or unknown attackers are the most frequently noted source of attacks according to the women respondents. Facebook was mentioned as the least safe among social media platforms/apps used by women participants, with most of the respondents saying it was “very unsafe” compared to Twitter. Most of the women journalists did not report incidents of online violence to their employers or security personnel."
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"This report strives to build awareness of the direct and indirect impacts of gendered and sexualized disinformation on women in public life, as well as its corresponding impacts on national security and democratic participation. In an analysis of online conversations about 13 female politicians acr
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oss six social media platforms [Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, New Zealand, Secretary of State for the Home Department Priti Patel, UK, Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland, Canada, and 10 US politicians], totaling over 336,000 pieces of abusive content shared by over 190,000 users over a two-month period, the report defines, quantifies, and evaluates the use of online gendered and sexualized disinformation campaigns against women in politics and beyond. It also uses three in-depth interviews and two focus groups to emphasize the impacts gendered abuse and disinformation have on women’s daily lives." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"Around the world, women frequently experience harassment and violence when they decide to exercise their civil and political rights. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have created new vehicles for violence against women in elections (VAWIE), including violence that takes place on so
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cial media and in private messaging. These forms of violence are compounded by the anonymity and scale that online media platforms provide. VAWIE-Online is a means to silence women who publicly engage in political life through fear, shame and intimidation. This violence is different from the online violence and harassment experienced by politically active men in its underlying intent, its multiplied impact, as well as its frequency, form, and content. The VAWIE-Online Social Media Analysis Tool (VAWIE-Online Tool) offers an adaptable method to measure the gendered aspects and understand the drivers of online election violence against women. The primary purpose of this tool is to identify trends and patterns of online violence around electoral periods. More specifically, the tool will allow users to identify the scope, breadth, and intensity of VAWIE-Online. Using artificial intelligence-based data analysis tools, the VAWIE-Online Tool quantifies and categorizes social media data to identify and distinguish forms of online violence. By incorporating this analysis of online violence into broader analysis of gender in elections, electoral stakeholders can better understand this issue in their respective countries and can begin to address it through their work. This guide is intended for use by civil society organizations (CSOs), election and human rights monitors and observers, and other activist and research groups seeking to analyze online violence against women in elections. It is constructed as a step-by-step tool to introduce users to social media analysis, specifically data mining and sentiment analysis. Although this tool is written to provide an introduction and overview for general users, data mining and sentiment analysis are sophisticated research approaches and users of this guide will find it helpful to work with a team that has experience in data analytics and a background in working on gender-based violence (GBV) and electoral politics." (Page 2)
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"Women are a great untapped potential in Cambodia. That is the driving idea behind the EU-funded project “Women into Politics! Greater female participation in Cambodia”. This three-year project reached women from different regions in Cambodia and gave them the communications skills they needed t
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o run for political office and talk to their constituents or become community leaders in their own locales. It was implemented by Germany’s leading media development organization DW Akademie, local partners Banteay Srei (BtS) and the Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia (WMC), and two third-party funding recipients, Cambodian Volunteers for Society (CVS) and the Youth Council of Cambodia (YCC). The project made use of media—radio, video and, especially, social media—as well as community forums to reach young people, particularly women and first-time voters, in the runup to communal and national elections. This gave them the knowledge they needed to make informed choices at the polls. The project disseminated information on topics with special relevance to women that emerged from local forums where community women could make their voices heard. The project’s overarching goals, empowerment and greater equality for Cambodian women, were in line with the European Union’s focus on gender equality and its commitment to the protection and fulfilment of human rights for women and girls. This best-practice handbook aims to provide an overview of the project—its goals, its approach, its activities and its results. It will look at who was primarily involved in each activity field, how they contributed or benefited, and what came of the three years of project work. This handbook also examines the challenges involved in carrying out the planned activities in a political environment that saw significant changes during the project period." (Introduction)
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"Como parte de un proyecto sobre desinformación, el centro de Internet y Sociedad Linterna Verde, en asocio con la Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa, presenta un informe que monitorea los discursos de género –tanto de candidatos presidenciales como de sus fórmulas– a través del análisis
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de cerca de 45 mil entradas en Facebook y Twitter. Este ejercicio se realizó en compañía de Colnodo, que promueve la apropiación de tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones con un enfoque de género. El ‘Polígrafo de Género’ permitió no sólo ver cómo las candidatas a la vicepresidencia han hablado de la mujer, sino también constatar que han sido ellas y no sus fórmulas presidenciales masculinas las que en últimas han empujado esta agenda –más allá del enfoque que escogieron–. Para algunas organizaciones de mujeres esta visibilidad no implicó siempre una mayor profundidad. Aunque las candidatas mencionaron temas que habían estado tradicionalmente invisibilizados, como la economía del cuidado o la reducción de la violencia contra la mujer, otros igualmente relevantes estuvieron ausentes." (Página web flip.org.co)
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"This study combines two research methods to explore how female leaders are portrayed in the news in Vietnam, and Vietnamese journalists’ perception of female and male leaders. Content analysis indicated that female leaders are under- and misrepresented. Female leader sources seldom appear in the
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news. When they do, they are more likely to be interviewed on traditionally feminine issues. Survey findings demonstrated that gender stereotypes are pervasive among journalists, influencing their perception of news sources. Journalists believe male sources possess stronger work-oriented and agentic traits while female sources are more socially oriented and communal. Results confirmed role congruity theory’s applicability in studying media in a non-Western country." (Abstract)
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"The frequencies of female leaders being sourced in the news were far lower than those of male leaders, especially in the government sector. This demonstrates that female leaders are disappointingly under-represented in the news despite their contribution and participation in the workforce. Female l
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eaders’ invisibility in news content is an indication that their voices and perspectives are not adequately presented. It sends messages to audiences that female leaders do not usually have the authority or do not qualify to be in positions with authority to be in the media spotlight. The news media perpetuate gender stereotypes against female leaders by setting the boundary of work areas that are supposedly more suitable to their femininity through their use of sources. Female sources were sought out more often for news stories on traditionally feminine issues (e.g. children/family, women’s rights, health, poverty reduction, or elderly people). They were almost absent in areas/issues that are often weighted more heavily in the government’s administration, including military/security, real estate; economics; international relations, science and technology, etc. In addition, the news media have contributed to creating and perpetuating stereotypes of what a successful woman should look like in the contemporary Vietnamese society. That is: Only those female leaders who can handle their dual roles and responsibilities both in families as traditional women and in the workplace as modern women are considered ideal. There is a disconnect between journalists’ general perception of gender equality and their attitudes toward female leadership. Journalists perceive that men and women should be treated equally both at home and at work, and that gender inequality is still an issue that Vietnam needs to continue to improve. But they also believe men have traits (e.g. decisive, competitive, etc.) that are congruent to those of leaders, while women do not have qualities to lead." (Executive summary)
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"In March 2006, socialist politician Michelle Bachelet became not only the first woman to assume the presidency of Chile, but also the first female president in South America. Bachelet appointed a cabinet with an equal number of men and women. Although there were several other changes to her cabinet
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as well, hers was significant for being the only government since the country’s return to democracy that established equal representation of female and male ministers (Fernández and Rubilar 2011). Bachelet’s rise to power was a milestone in the fight for equal rights among men and women in Chile, a movement which began toward the end of the 19th century and continued throughout the 20th, with Chile’s first wave of feminism and women’s demands for access to education and the right to vote (Kirkwood 1986). Despite this longstanding movement and the gender milestone represented by her presidency, Bachelet did not fundamentally change the participation of women in positions of political power." (Abstract)
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