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Narrative über den Krieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine (NUK)
Bonn; Berlin: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb); Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) (2023), 30 pp.
"Zwischen dem 19.09.2022 und 18.09.2023 wurde das Projekt „Narrative über den Krieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine“ (NUK, im Folgenden NUK) vom Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD Germany) im Auftrag der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung/bpb umgesetzt. Ziel des Projekts war es, Desinformati
...
Russia’s Rising Military and Communication Power: From Chechnya to Crimea
Media, War & Conflict, volume 16, issue 2 (2023), pp. 135-152
"Most scholars working on Russia’s use of strategic narratives recognize the importance of the Russian state. Nevertheless, the authors argue that much of the attention on strategic narratives has given insufficient appreciation for how Russia has developed its military and media policies in a coo
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Forensic Conflict Studies: Making Sense of War in the Social Media Age
Media, War & Conflict, volume 16, issue 2 (2023), pp. 153-172
"Online media is a blessing and a curse for academic research on war. On the one hand, the internet provides unprecedented access to information from conflict zones. On the other hand, the prevalence of disinformation can make it difficult to use this information in a transparent way. This article p
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Fabricating a war? Russian (dis)information on Ukraine
International Affairs, volume 99, issue 5 (2023), pp. 2015-2036
"Propaganda has been an age-old part of warmongering. It is thus no surprise that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was preceded by, and continues to be fuelled by, propaganda transmitted by state-controlled Russian media. What is more unusual about the Russian (dis)information campaigns is the sheer
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Is Pro-Kremlin Disinformation Effective? Evidence from Ukraine
International Journal of Press/Politics, volume 28, issue 1 (2023), pp. 5-28
"Can residents of Ukraine discern between pro-Kremlin disinformation and true statements? Moreover, which pro-Kremlin disinformation claims are more likely to be believed, and by which audiences? We present the results from two surveys carried out in 2019—one online and the other face-to-face—th
...
Social Media Discourse in Malaysia on the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Rationales for Pro-Russia Sentiments
Perspective (ISEAS), issue 41 (2022), 11 pp.
"In late February 2022, Russian forces launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine which sent shockwaves around the world. As the world responded with sanctions against Russia, Moscow increased its public relations campaign to justify its invasion and recast the narrative in the media and on the inter
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Propaganda on demand: Russia’s media environment during the war in Ukraine
Global Media Journal - German Edition, volume 12, issue 2 (2022), 14 pp.
"In this essay, I explore the nature of propaganda in a hybrid media environment through the example of Russian propaganda during the ongoing war in Ukraine. I start by briefly overviewing the Russian media system’s development, focusing on the roots of cynical attitude toward journalism in the so
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Media Literacy and Disinformation Perception Survey
Tbilisi: Media Development Foundation (MDF) (2022), 37 pp.
"The aim of this research was to study media consumption habits among different age groups and geographical areas, as well as the public's vulnerability to various disinformation and manipulative narratives disseminated in Georgia. The first part of the research concerns media literacy competencies,
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Steuerung der öffentlichen Meinung
Russland-Analysen, issue 418 (2022), pp. 1-14
"Wie denken gewöhnliche Russ:innen wirklich über die Entscheidung von Präsident Putin, in die Ukraine einzumarschieren? Obwohl einiges dafürspricht, dass frühere Umfragen, die Zustimmungswerte um 60 % für den Krieg zeigen, als genuine Signale der russischen öffentlichen Meinung gewertet werde
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The State of Communication, Community Engagement and Accountability Across the Ukraine Response. Second Edition. 30 September 2022
London: CDAC Network, 2nd ed. (2022), 22 pp.
"This report is published quarterly and gives an overview of key communication, community engagement and accountability (CCEA) barriers and gaps across the Ukraine response, as well as recommendations for practitioners and responders to improve the use of CCEA for those affected by the crisis. Despi
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Disinformation on Refugees from Ukraine: Boosting Europe’s Resilience After Russia’s Invasion
Brussels: European Policy Centre (2022), 35 pp.
"The war in Ukraine is just the latest instance where attention-grabbing events have fuelled the rapid spread of false or misleading news about refugees and migrants. This Issue Paper examines the challenges posed by disinformation about refugees from Ukraine, as well as the responses taken so far t
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Media Environment 2022: Threats and Supportive Instruments in Georgia
Tbilisi: Media and Communication Educational and Research Center "Media Voice" (2022), 76 pp.
"The purpose of this study is to assess the threats and supporting mechanisms present in the Georgian media environment in 2022. Observation of the media environment, similar to the previous year’s research, was based on the evaluation of the participants involved in the research and further compa
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Tracking the Propaganda and Disinformation About Foreign Influence in Serbia. Case Study: Serbian Media on the Ukraine War
Beograd: CRTA (2022), 15 pp.
"The topic of the war in Ukraine dominated the media during the first three months of the war and completely marginalized all other topics. The most foreign actor reported on most in the media was Russia, while the countries of the West, the US, the EU, and NATO were far less noticeable. Although th
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Ukrainekrieg auf Telegram: Rechtsextremer Knotenpunkt für Desinformationen und Verschwörungserzählungen
Mainz: jugendschutz.net (2022), 9 pp.
"Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine im Februar 2022 nutzen Rechtsextreme die Ereignisse und Entwicklungen für ihre Propaganda. Dabei lassen sich sowohl pro-ukrainische als auch prorussische Positionierungen beobachten. Insbesondere werden gezielt Desinformationen und Versch
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How Russian Television Prepared the Public for War
PONARS Eurasia (2022), 12 pp.
"Reported here are findings from a study of the frequency and content of messaging on various themes on Russian television. The goal of this approach is not necessarily to re-create Russians' viewing habits, though one might reasonably assume that more frequently mentioned topics are more likely to
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Así nos habla el Kremlin: Narrativa política y medios de comunicación rusos en América Latina
Montevideo: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) (2022), 20 pp.
"En tanto ideología presente en medios, intelectuales y élites políticas de Rusia y Latinoamérica, las narrativas iliberales -proyectadas por medios y academias afines- gozan de apreciable presencia e impacto en el panorama regional. A raíz del conflicto entre Rusia y Occidente por la invasión
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Dispatches from Ukraine: Tactical media reflections and responses
Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures (2022), 119 pp.
Russian Information Warfare 2 Months After the Invasion in Ukraine
Media Development Foundation (MDF) (2022), 46 pp.
"During the monitoring period (February 24 – April 24) the following tendencies have been identified: Out of the 160 false information and manipulative content, mainly disseminated in Russian and Georgian sources, the largest share (49.4%) was directed against Ukraine, followed by disinformation a
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Russlands unabhängiger Journalismus: Der harte Überlebenskampf unter totalitären Repressionsmaßnahmen
Potsdam: Friedrich Naumann Stiftung (2022), 39 pp.
"Der Journalist und Verleger Sergej Parkhomenko ist ein international gefeierter Menschenrechtsverteidiger, Oppositionsaktivist und unter den russischen Medienschaffenden einer der wichtigsten Partner für das Internationale Journalisten- und Mediendialogprogramm (IJMD) der Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftun
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Open-Source Journalism in a Wired World: Spurred by Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine, Open-Source Investigations Are Being Integrated Into Standard Newsroom Practice
Nieman Reports, December 7 (2022)
"More than nine months into the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the online methods for tracking this war are many and proliferating, including the most obvious source of all — social media networks. A 2019 law designed to keep its military from posting on social media has not deterred Russian service
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