"Laure-Hélène Piron (The Policy Practice Director) undertook an analysis of official development assistance to media and the information environment for the Governance Network of the OECD Development Assistance Committee which was published in June 2024. The report shows that the rhetoric of gover
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nments which support freedom of expression and condemn disinformation is not matched by sufficient resources. ODA for media and the information environment has increased since 2002, reaching USD 1.5 billion in 2022, but this only represented 0.5% of total ODA in that year. When infrastructure support is excluded, ODA for media fluctuated around USD 500 million a year since 2008 (representing 0.19% of total ODA in 2022). This is despite the growth of threats facing media, such as the rise of censorship and the dominance of technology platforms.
And not enough aid directly reaches local organisations. Only up to 8% of ODA for media and the information environment (representing only 0.05% of total ODA) is directly channelled to media organisations in partner countries, such as journalists, media outlets or civil society organisations working with media or on access to information. To improve the quality and quantity of ODA for media and the information environment, the report recommends: increasing direct assistance for local public interest media; adopting a broader “information environment” lens; improving coordination between (i) digital transformation and ICT infrastructure and (ii) media and information policies and programmes; improving co-ordination and coherence between development partners (including global initiatives); strengthening the evidence base." (https://thepolicypractice.com)
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"De nombreux artistes et créateurs émergent dans les pays ACP. Ils nous surprennent par leur dynamisme, mais aussi par leur capacité de résilience et de persévérance, surtout pendant la pandémie de la Covid-19. Les industries culturelles et créatives devraient, dès lors, pouvoir offrir aux
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nouvelles générations un large éventail de possibilités d’emplois et de création d’entreprises locales. En réponse à ces attentes, nous avons conçu conjointement avec le Secrétariat de l’Organisation des États ACP, le programme ACP-UE Culture. Nous nous réjouissons de constater les résultats positifs du nouveau mécanisme mis en place pour la dynamisation des secteurs du cinéma et de l’audiovisuel, avec près de 100 projets déjà soutenus dans toutes les régions ACP depuis 2020. Grâce aux exigences des partenariats Nord-Sud, les liens entre acteurs et opérateurs culturels ACP et européens, mis en place depuis une quinzaine d’années, se consolident. Il en ressort un réel engagement pour renforcer les capacités des artistes, en utilisant les nouvelles technologies dans l’ensemble de la chaîne de valeur et permettre ainsi l’accès de leurs oeuvres à des marchés internationaux." (Avant-propos, page 5)
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"The media situation in Belarus has never been easy. With Aliaksandr Lukashenka being elected president of the country for the first time in 1994, the necessary reforms to provide media freedom have never materialised. Instead, over the years various laws have lessened the rights of independent jour
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nalists and imposed limits on both traditional and electronic media. Following the August 2020 presidential election, which ignited a brutal crackdown against the democratic opposition, the situation has worsened. Harassment, a hijacking, and politically motivated jail terms, both short and long, intimidate Belarusians who want to exchange ideas, report wrongdoing or fight for freedom of expression and freedom for the country. In January 2022, the Belarusian Association of Journalists confirmed the presence of at least 32 journalists in Belarusian jails. On the positive side, new electronic media cannot be banned effectively and absolutely. While the regime slowly expands its presence on the internet, Belarusians trust independent media more and use it more eagerly. However, society’s distancing of itself from traditional state-controlled media is increasingly met with an angry reaction from the state apparatus, which in turn further tightens related laws. The European Union, and the European Parliament in particular, actively support independent media and civil society in Belarus, and the Council of the EU and the Parliament both address the challenges to media freedom in the country. Financial help is also provided to Belarus and was even increased at the end of 2021, with priority areas of support including ‘systematically repressed’ independent media." (Summary)
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"This piece interrogates the challenges of advancing media reform initiatives within authoritarian contexts. Based on a case study of the EU-funded Support to Media in Jordan Project—launched in the wake of the Arab Spring—it reveals how the local mediation of internationally sponsored reform ef
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forts allows authoritarian regimes to ingratiate themselves to external partners while blocking meaningful change on the ground." (Introduction)
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"This dissertation explores audiovisual assistance programs through an examination of the largest such program: the EU’s ACPCultures+, which since 2008 has awarded over 50 million Euros to nearly 60 audiovisual training programs, distribution initiatives, and production projects in sub-Saharan Afr
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ica and the Caribbean. Using textual and policy analyses, in-depth interviews, and both digital ethnography and multi-sited ethnographic research in Brussels, Addis Ababa, and Nairobi, I analyze three case studies of projects funded by ACPCultures+ – a screenwriting course in Kenya, a pan-African video-on-demand platform, and the first Ethiopian film to screen at Cannes film festival – while tracing the circulation of the program’s aims and policies from its headquarters in Brussels to audiovisual professionals in Africa and the Caribbean. These cases show how, as ACPCultures+ grapples with media diversity in an era of globalization, it builds on postwar histories of both international development and EU cultural and audiovisual policies in ways that simultaneously enable and constrain media industries in the Global South. Ultimately, this research demonstrates how audiovisual assistance programs are an underexamined piece of the global media landscape in which Northern policies and Southern practices together can reframe debates about media and cultural hegemony and suggest new ways of conceptualizing the geographies of audiovisual industries and policy." (Abstract)
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"This publication presents EED’s work in the area of independent media, and reflects on lessons learned in six years of media and democracy support. It offers an analysis of the worrying trends and challenges faced by media today and calls for an urgent re-set in thinking about donor support to me
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dia in the EU neighbourhood. The document also seeks to offer recommendations for the wider donor community. Key recommendations include the need for a longer-term and more coordinated approach to media support as an essential component of democratisation, recognising the high cost of quality media and the difficulties media have of surviving in increasingly distorted markets and restrictive environments [...] Over the past six years, EED has ensured a particular focus on media-based projects, funding more than 230 initiatives. This represents around one third of all initiatives supported by EED. In line with EED’s added-value philosophy, support is usually focused on areas that cannot currently get funding from other donors, such as seed funding, bridge funding and emergency support, in addition to core funding and funding provided in a discrete way. It is important to note that EED support cannot replace the need for further support from other donors [...] EED’s media work can broadly be divided into the following five thematic areas: Ensuring media pluralism; Supporting innovation; Countering disinformation; Investigative journalism and documentation; Media targeting specific audiences." (Pages 3-4)
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"Twelve cooperation projects with external funding (voluntary contribution or jointly funded by the European Union) are currently underway amounting to 7 429 398 Euros in all. Some activities are also financed by the ordinary budget of the Council of Europe. Approximately 153 activities were organis
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ed since May 2017. The work in the field of freedom of expression and media freedom encompassed a very broad range of activities such as legal expertise, training programs, seminars, conferences and other events with the participation mainly of public officials, media professionals and civil society. The constant strive to look for links and synergy between the various projects is an added value of cooperation activities. Best practices and results achieved are constantly shared with others through bilateral and regional networking." (Summary)
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"In its political support the Commission will encourage enlargement countries to make legislation more supportive of the media. It will also promote the involvement of media and civil society in the pre-accession process, including in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of sector strategi
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es for EU financial assistance which will be strengthened under IPA II. The Commission's financial assistance will use an appropriate mix of funding instruments to respond to different types of needs and country contexts in a flexible, transparent, cost-effective and results focused manner which also considers the administration burden for the Commission. This will include: aiming for longer term contracts, recognising that capacity building and advocacy work requires time and resources; moving away from project based support to a more flexible approach that fosters partnership and coalition building. It must also be understood that accession-related EU funding is limited in volume and time. Although having been a major donor to Media and Civil Society, the EU cannot and should not aim to fill the funding gap left as other donors exit from the region. As the enlargement countries move towards accession, the Commission will support media organisations become less dependent on international donor funding, including funding from the EU [...] "These guidelines are formulated in the form of a draft results framework. The framework contains goals and results to be achieved by developing and deploying multi-beneficiary and bilateral assistance programmes. Special attention is paid to the aspect of verification: measurable indicators (and benchmarks) are grouped according to particular results to be achieved and possible means of verification (MoV) are identified for each group of indicators. The selection of indicators and MoVs also take into consideration the cost-effectiveness and actual availability of data. Monitoring the guidelines will be supervised by DG ELARG in collaboration with the EU Delegations in the region, international organisations and networks of CSOs already active in media freedom and integrity. The collection of data will include both qualitative and quantitative assessments and will be conducted by means of surveys, peer reviews, independent assessment, etc." (Pages 4-5)
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"Generally, data about media development support are not complete and reliable due to insufficient classification categories in the DAC system, so the EC and most other international institutions and organisations share the problem of not having solid knowledge about the scope and size of support in
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this field. This is also the case in the CRIS data base, which does not distinguish for example between public diplomacy and media support [...] As a consequence, the amounts and other figures in this report should not be taken as exact values. But the mapping does show some clear trends and tendencies despite the weakness ofthe basic data, and the main findings are: According to the information available in the CRIS data base and the definition of projects applied for this support, the total amount spent on media development and freedom of expression in the period 2000-2010 has been 148,4 Million Euro. More than half of the total amount has been spent in the neighbour countries East and South of the EU. More than 40 % has been spent in the Western Balkans, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Russia, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Turkey, while 12,5 % has been spent in the Middle East and North Africa. 24,3 % of the total funds have been spent in Sub-Saharan Africa. The EC support for media development and freedomof expression has been limited compared with the bilateral support from EU. Member States and other bilateral donors. For comparison the Swedish budget for media support from SIDA in 2012 is 26 Million Euro and DfiD supports the BBC Media Action with more than 20 Million Euro per year. The funding comes from a variety of thematic and geographic Instruments with the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights, EIDHR, as the single biggest source, which accounts for 41 % of the total support. Other significant Instruments are IPA, CARDS, ENPI and MED. The main focus has been on training of journalists and editors in journalistic skills and professional standards. Other initiatives have been support to reform of media related legislation and direct support to endangered journalists and writers. The projects supportedby the EC have not been different from projects funded by bilateral donors. Very few projects have benefitted from the potential comparative advantages of the EC/EU as a multinational entity. Very few projects have been designed and implemented in cooperation with member states or other donor agencies, and the projects do not reflect on-going internal medla developments in the EU. There seems to be more focus on EU visibility than on EU additionallity. The top ten contract holders have implemented 36 % of the total project value with BBC Media Action as the single biggest partner, which has implemented almost ten percent of the total project value in the period 2000-2010. lnternews (with lnternews Europe as the biggest entity) comes second with 4,6 % of the total project value followed by the International Federation of Journalists with 3,4 % of the project value. The EC is seen as a “difficult“ or “bureaucratic“ donor agency, which is difficult to approach for smaller organisations because the possible funding does not correspond with the paper work needed to apply for support." (Executive summary
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"This publication describes the main media assistance funders outside the USA in an alphabetical fashion from 'Arab States' to 'United Kingdom', complemented by data on the European Commission (EC), UNESCO and UNDP. The EC is likely to be the biggest single funder of media development projects besid
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es the United States. An approximate and conservative guess was a current yearly commitment by the EC of about $82 million worth of media-related projects. For comparison, Sweden and Norway provided $30 million and $19 million on media support, respectively, in 2008, and the Netherlands and Switzerland were estimated to fund about $37 million and $29 million per year, respectively. In forming part of the "governance" agenda of many donors the rationale for media support is being much more precisely articulated than in the past, and it is no longer as confused with either communications as public relations or with communications as a tool for social or behavioural change. Nevertheless, often there is no long-term strategy or commitment for media development and, as a result, more complex media reform programmes (for instance legislation, reform of state broadcasters, or establishment of national training structures) are not tackled accordingly." (CAMECO Update 1-2010)
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"Presents the findings of a survey conducted by the European Institute for the Media to provide the factual basis for the experts' meeting on European assistance to the media of developing countries held in Brussels in 1985. Country surveys are presented for the countries of Belgium, Denmark, the Fe
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deral Republic of Germany, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the UK. In France, Germany, the Netherlands and the UKT there are rather substantial programs of media assistance. The countries' programs of media assistance display distinct national styles and, at least as far as France and the UK are concerned, a geographical distribution reflecting historical and linguistic associations." (commbox)
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