"Since its adoption on 1 July 2020, the Protection of Personal Information Act has bolstered freedom of expression and the right to privacy. This legislation aims to protect citizens’ personal information and balance the right to privacy with other rights, such as access to information. In Februar
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y 2021, the Constitutional Court upheld the 2019 High Court decision that declared certain sections of the Regulation of Interception of Communication and Provision of Communication-Related Information Act unconstitutional as they violate the right to privacy. The Act had allowed for surveillance and the interception of communication. These positive developments were hampered by the COVID-19 pandemic, which affected freedom of expression and the operating environment of the media and journalists. As in other countries, journalism was considered an essential service in South Africa, which meant that with permission, journalists could continue reporting and were exempt from restrictions that kept most of the population in lockdown. Despite this, journalists found it difficult to access information, making first-hand news-gathering difficult. The Disaster Management Act of 2002 was also applied to manage the lockdowns. Under this Act, essential workers (including journalists) were required to have permits to travel to cover stories. In addition, the government’s attempts to prevent the spread of misinformation related to COVID-19 affected the free flow of information, as information became centralised within the Covid Command Centre. This had a chilling effect on freedom of expression and media freedom in South Africa. Journalists also faced further challenges regarding access to personal protective equipment and training on reporting safely during a pandemic. COVID-19 also affected the sustainability and viability of the media. Both the structure of newsrooms and business models were disrupted. The pandemic accelerated the pre-existing and long-term structural decline in print media, resulting in a devastating impact on the already fragile operations, with significant decreases in both circulation and advertising [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"[...] the exercise of freedom of expression remains relatively practised and differs from one region to the next. It is easier to exercise freedom of expression in big cities than in small towns or rural areas. Since 2012, Mali has been plagued by terrorist groups’ attacks from the north. The det
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erioration of the security situation, which impacts all aspects of national life, causes a climate of self-censorship, especially among media professionals, most notably in the countryside. From Ségou (centre of Mali) to the far north, community radio stations are cautious with the terms they use. Journalists systematically refuse specific programmes for fear of being physically hurt or seeing their facilities attacked. Some journalists have been kidnapped, although most are released after secret negotiations involving state security. Threats and pressures on journalists and the media do not come only from state officials. People named in investigative articles sometimes use deceptive methods to intimidate journalists. People singled out by publications also put pressure on the family of journalists to get the investigation dropped or for journalists to self-censor. Furthermore, some laws restrict freedom of expression, such as Act of 5 December 2019 on the repression of cybercrime in its articles 74, 75 and 76 ..." (Summary, page 5)
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"Trade unionists, human rights activists, journalists, dignitaries of endogenous religions, and even ordinary citizens feel threatened when exercising their right to freedom of expression. Generally, they fear prosecution cases against them being mounted by the authorities. Business people and entre
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preneurs are also targeted through fiscal pressure or unexpected controls placed on their companies. The Digital Code, passed in 2017, is a source of fear for Benin journalists. Under this code, the Central Cybercrime Repression Authority arrested journalist Ignace Sossou on 19 December 2019 at his house. At his trial, Sossou was sentenced to 12-months imprisonment, six of which he served in prison, and a fine for harassment for relaying the prosecutor’s words during a seminar on Twitter. Fear of reprisals pushes the media to practice self-censorship. Psychological pressure seems to prevent journalists from freely exercising freedom of expression. There are also fears regarding the use of social media networks. There is an explicit restriction of civic space in general, and citizens are afraid of being tapped. Due to abuse by the press and certain citizens, several provisions of the Digital Code hamper freedom of expression. This is perceived as a political manoeuvre to dampen the citizens’ desire to express themselves freely [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"This toolkit on international standards for freedom of expression builds on these efforts, aiming to give a global scope to this endeavour. By reinforcing the knowledge and capacities of the judiciary, the toolkit effectively contributes to the implementation of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety
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of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, adopted by the UN Chief Executives Board in 2012 and recognized by the UN General Assembly in 2013. The Plan of Action aims to create “a free and safe environment for journalists and media workers in both conflict and non-conflict situations, with a view to strengthening peace, democracy and development worldwide”. It is our hope that this toolkit will be a useful tool for judges, public prosecutors, judicial training institutes, academics and judicial actors at large, so that respect for freedom of expression, public access to information, and the safety of journalists become an integral part of efforts to guarantee and promote human rights in our societies." (Abstract)
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"This guide aims to provide practical information and guidance to civil society organisations who consider intervening in cases before national or international courts as so-called ‘amicus curiae’ or ‘third party intervener’. It is focused on interventions in cases concerning freedom of expr
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ession and the safety of journalists, but the information it provides is broadly applicable to other human rights cases as well. The legal term often used for these interventions is ‘amicus curiae intervention’. ‘Amicus curiae’ is a Latin term that literally means ‘friend of the court’. It indicates a person or organisation who participates in the case to provide an external perspective, independent from the parties. There are different interpretations as to what the ‘proper’ role of an amicus curiae is. This guide uses the term to describe a civil society organisation that intervenes in a case which is closely connected with that organisation’s mission (for example, a media freedom NGO intervening in the case of a journalist standing trial for defamation) to provide their perspective on the case. In some countries and before some courts, the term ‘third party’ or ‘third party intervener’ is preferred." (Introduction)
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"Le journalisme congolais se pratique dans un contexte délicat qui allie la liberté d’informer, les contraintes qu’appelle le respect des lois et règlements ainsi qu’une véritable prise de conscience de la responsabilité des acteurs et des instances médiatiques. C’est pourquoi la prati
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que journalistique en RDC se transforme en une exigence contraignante pour les acteurs et les instances médiatiques. Ces derniers sont obligés de conformer la conception qu’ils ont de leur métier, basée sur la liberté d’informer, aux exigences juridiques et à des prescrits appelant à leur responsabilité. Les médias doivent ainsi difficilement s’arranger pour pratiquer leur métier : en jouissant de toute leur liberté et en faisant en même temps l’effort de respecter les lois et les règlements, afin de ne pas tomber dans les abus et les dérapages, qui les pousseraient à enfreindre les valeurs éthiques et déontologiques de leur métier." (Dos de couverture)
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"This conceptual paper focusses on two fronts forming a broad assault on journalism, extending from more autocratic settings to include liberal democracies, and leading to what is now widely perceived as a crisis in news. We analyze these two attacks by presenting a framework integrating their sourc
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es and causes. We argue that the first attack emanates from commercialized media, occurring at economic and normative level, and has created, at least in part, the conditions that have enabled the more recent attack, which is more directly political, associated with the re-emergence of forces that are loosely categorized as populist. What is new in the second front is the geography and the constitutional nature of the societies in which this antagonism has grown. It extends now to long-established representative democracies that have come to be governed, or where new influence is wielded, by emergent right movements and parties who seek to cast the press as the enemy within. Abuse and even mortal danger increasingly have become part of the occupational reality of news-making. We conclude that this development is inscribed in the current material conditions under which journalists work, as well as in the materiality of the media through which they do so." (Abstract)
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"This study examined the Libyan conflict which started in 2011 until now. In the same way, the study also focused on how Libyan journalists are fighting for media freedom, particularly in the context of the media laws in the new Constitution of 2017. Through focus group discussions were done with 40
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Libyan journalists. The findings of the study indicated that some media laws did not conform to the international laws and UN treaties, which the Libyan Parliament Committee approved. Another finding of the study was that the journalists advocated for a change in the media laws so that they subscribe to the international law. In addition, the journalists also noted that the Constitution should guarantee press freedom. The journalists indicated that they receive threats if they publish stories critical of the governments or ISIS. They also suggested that their actions as journalists have not been sufficiently factored into the political science framework of the safety valve which may be playing the same role with the new democratisation process in 2021. In the context of these findings, the following recommendations were made: the new government should change Articles 35, 37, 38, 42, 43, 46 and 132 to conform to the international laws and UN treaties." (Abstract)
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"Previous research finds that journalist killings are more likely to occur in democracies rather than non-democracies. While these results provide an important first step in exploring regime type's effect on journalist's safety, they assume no variation in how long countries have remained a regime t
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ype. In this paper, I argue that as a country's regime type endures, the likelihood of seeing journalists killed for their work will decrease. My theory also examines the process in different regime types and argues that this effect should hold for autocracies and anocracies, but not democracies vertical bar though democratic consolidation should decrease journalist killings there. Using an original sample of journalists killed for their professional work in countries worldwide from 1992 to 2014, I evaluate my theory using regression and survival analyses and find evidence that as regime types endure, journalist killings decrease, on average. As expected, the result holds for autocracies and anocracies but not democracies. However, the data show democratic consolidation does decrease journalist killings. The results provide a broader understanding of the working dynamics between regime type and journalists' safety in a country's media system." (Abstract)
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"Motivated by a 2014 Constitutional Court opinion that under Zimbabwe’s new constitution of 2013, freedom of expression might have to be considered as subordinate to human dignity, the study analyses the implications of this on journalistic practice. The study argues that such a move would undermi
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ne watchdog journalism, thereby limiting people’s freedom of expression right to receive information. This is based on a textual analysis of Zimbabwe’s freedom of expression jurisprudence, which shows that currently the odds are in favour of protecting the reputation of those in power. Thus, subordinating freedom of expression to human dignity might mean worsening an already bad situation." (Abstract)
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"Die Coronavirus-Pandemie hat sich in weiten Teilen der Welt negativ auf die Meinungs- und Medienfreiheit ausgewirkt. Betroffen sind viele Partnerländer der deutschen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit: Menschen können nicht auf relevante Informationen zugreifen, unter anderem, weil sie keinen adäquaten
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Internetzugang haben. Gesellschaften mangelt es an Orientierung, da sie von einer Flut an falschen Nachrichten überschwemmt werden. Journalistinnen und Journalisten können ihre Arbeit nur unzureichend erledigen, etwa aufgrund wirtschaftlicher Schwierigkeiten der Medienhäuser. Bürgerinnen und Bürger sind von maßgeblichen Daten und Fakten zur Pandemie abgeschnitten – insbesondere, weil Regierungen Nachrichten zensieren und unabhängige Berichterstattung unterbinden. Dabei greifen staatliche Stellen vermehrt auf repressive Maßnahmen zurück: sowohl gegenüber Journalistinnen und Journalisten als auch gegenüber der Bevölkerung insgesamt. Die Pandemie hat zudem bereits bestehende strukturelle Schwächen moderner Informations-Ökosysteme offengelegt. Diese Trends erschweren es, die vielschichtigen Herausforderungen zu bewältigen. Menschen fehlt es an Information, auf deren Grundlage sie risikobewusst handeln können. Einzelne Bevölkerungsgruppen drohen weiter abgehängt zu werden, weil sie ihre Anliegen nicht wirksam zum Ausdruck bringen können. Gesellschaften können sich nicht umfassend über Wege aus der Krise verständigen. Um entwicklungspolitische Ziele erreichen zu können, braucht es intakte Informations-Ökosysteme: mit allgemeinem Zugang, professionellen Qualitätsfiltern, unabhängigen Medienunternehmen und freiheitlichen Rahmenbedingungen." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Burundi’s scrutiny and control of media and nongovernmental organizations, and the conviction after deeply flawed proceedings of 12 journalists and activists in exile have a continued chilling effect on their work, Human Rights Watch said today. Almost one year after President Évariste Ndayishim
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iye’s inauguration, the authorities have sent contradictory signals. They have lifted some restrictions imposed on civil society and media since the country’s 2015 political crisis. But they have also doubled down on human rights defenders and journalists who are perceived to be critical of the government. A human rights activist and a former member of parliament convicted of abusive charges remain in detention. “The government should go beyond symbolic gestures of good faith to address the entrenched system of repression under the late President Pierre Nkurunziza,” said Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Substantive reforms are needed to address the lack of judicial independence, politicized prosecutions, and the absence of accountability for abuses committed since 2015.” (Introduction)
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"[This book] provides an overview of the key issues in global journalism today and traces how media systems have evolved over time in different world regions. Taking into account local context as well as technological change across media industries, the book offers an up-to-date, thorough overview o
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f media developments in all world regions embedded in their unique political, cultural and economic context. Covering theoretical foundations of global journalism, from the classic Four Theories of the Press to more nuanced media models, this text proposes a framework for studying world media systems. Contributed chapters cover a wide range of topics, including media freedom, global news cultures, professional ethics and responsibilities, and education of global journalists, as well as the role of technology and issues such as fake news, soft power and public diplomacy, foreign news reporting and international news flow." (Publisher description)
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