"This paper serves as a review of crimes committed against journalist in Indonesia within the past six years (2010–2015). This work draws primarily on the annual reports made by the Alliance of Independence Journalist (AJI), the prominent association of journalists in Indonesia. The first part int
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roduces the magnitude of the violence. The second part explains the actor and motive behind the escalation of crimes. The paper will be ended by a discussion of challenges the country’s media policy faces in resolving those cases." (Abstract)
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"The report provides an overview of the most recent rules, case law and policies across Europe with regard to the privileges that are given to journalists when exercising their activities. As a rule, when identifying the relevant legal aspects, three features are taken into account: the correspondin
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g provisions shall a) be aimed at guaranteeing through special information rights that media are able to fulfil their opinion-shaping function, b) ensure through special procedural mechanisms that freedom of the media is safe from state interference, and/or c) prevent people affected by media reporting from being in a position to suppress it under civil or criminal law without taking into account the freedom of the media." (Foreword)
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"While a few much-needed improvements can be reported for the 2017 Europe & Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI), overall there are signs of continued and worsening challenges facing those who wish to create and support a vibrant information system in the 21 countries studied in this volume [...
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] Apart from Belarus, there is not much in the way of positive news in this year’s MSI. Taken together, only nine objective scores, scattered among six countries, showed any meaningful improvement: Romania, Serbia, and Ukraine experienced improvement in two objective scores while Bulgaria, Kosovo, and Uzbekistan each had one objective show improvement. Belarus was the only country whose overall score improved by a tenth of a point or more. Five other countries showed only marginal overall improvement." (Executive summary)
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"We have noted profound transformations in the field of media freedom, which is making progress in certain areas, but losing ground in others. Media freedom is limited in particular by many legal restrictions on the right to impart information and ideas, although progress is being made with regard t
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o legal guarantees to seek and receive information. With regard to media pluralism, the last five years have seen a considerable increase in the number of sources of information. Yet the concentration of ownership of media companies and Internet services raises major concerns. The filtering effects of social media, which create “bubbles” in which people do not access the truth or “points of view” they consider “irritating” or “inappropriate” is one example. Another is the manipulation and dissemination of false information by propaganda mouthpieces. There has also been a hiatus in the progress of gender equality in content and staffing. Trends show that media independence is weakening and the professional standards of journalism are being eroded by economic forces on the one hand and lack of recognition by political actors on the other. Media and Internet companies are increasingly aware of the need for self-regulation. Finally, with regard to the physical, psychological and digital safety of journalists, trends remain extremely alarming, although implementation of the United Nations Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity offers hope. There is new momentum for mechanisms to monitor, prevent, protect and strengthen justice for crimes against journalists." (Foreword, page 10-11)
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"The present study examines current legislation and court practice in Hungary regarding civil law violations of rights to reputation, privacy and likeness, with a particular focus on trends in terms of awarding non-pecuniary damages/restitution. Through an analysis of relevant legislation and a pres
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entation of cases connected with the press, it critiques the current situation in terms of limitations on freedom of expression. Personality rights in this context is a difficult area of jurisprudence, as it involves the consideration and balancing of two important values and constitutional rights: freedom of expression on the one hand and the rights to reputation, privacy and likeness on the other. This balancing act requires the interpretation of very succinctly worded legislative texts and rulings by the Constitutional Court with the help of the guidelines issued by the Supreme Court (also known as the Kúria). Another difficulty for the judiciary is the recent increase in Hungary of cases in which politicians turn to the courts to seek relief for injuries they allege to have suffered, hoping to obtain a judgment that will put an end to political and societal controversies in which they are involved." (Introduction)
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"This book traces the life of free speech in Russia from the final years of the Soviet Union to the present. It shows how long-cherished hopes for an open society in which people would speak freely and tell truth to power fared under Gorbachev’s glasnost; how free speech was a real, if fractured,
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achievement of Yeltsin’s years in power; and how easy it was for Putin to reverse these newly won freedoms, imposing a ‘patrimonial’ media that sits comfortably with old autocratic and feudal traditions. The book explores why this turn seemed so inexorable and now seems so entrenched. It examines the historical legacy, and Russia’s culturally ambivalent perception of freedom, which Dostoyevsky called that ‘terrible gift’. It evaluates the allure of western consumerism and Soviet-era illusions that stunted the initial promise of freedom and democracy. The behaviour of journalists and their apparent complicity in the distortion of their profession come under scrutiny. This ambitious study covering more than 30 years of radical change looks at responses ‘from above’ and ‘from below’, and asks whether the players truly understood what was involved in the practice of free speech." (Abstract)
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"Habría muchas razones para suponer una relación natural entre el periodismo y la democracia, desde la difusión de información y la socialización de debates relevantes para el interés público, hasta la vigilancia contra el abuso de poder. En México, sin embargo, el periodismo no ha sido plen
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amente capaz de desarrollar estas funciones y las razones tienen que ver, en gran parte, con la forma en que se han desarrollado las relaciones entre los medios –vehículos privilegiados por mucho tiempo para el ejercicio periodístico– y el régimen político. Entre el siglo XX y el XXI hemos transitado de un modelo mediático caracterizado por el peso inhibidor del régimen sobre la labor informativa a otro en el que, de formas distintas, grupos políticos, económicos y del crimen organizado ejercen presión sobre la independencia de esa labor informativa. En este sentido, en la mayor parte de los medios tradicionales tenemos un periodismo colaborador que, en ciudades medianas y pequeñas de provincia se convierte más bien en uno acosado. La buena noticia es que gracias en gran parte a la revolución tecnológica de las últimas décadas, ha comenzado a surgir un periodismo responsivo, distinto en sus temas, tratamiento y método, que está soportado en los principales centros urbanos por mercados publicitarios y públicos cada vez más exigentes con los contenidos mediáticos que consumen. Si bien el panorama sigue siendo de claroscuros, en México ya hay –aunque sea de forma incipiente– una serie de espacios en donde el periodismo tiene oportunidad de desarrollar esas funciones, aun a contracorriente del ambiente dominante." (Resumen, página 9-10)
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"En Ecuador escasean tanto los análisis de los medios de comunicación privados, públicos o comunitarios, como del consumo mediático o de la formación periodística. Los pocos datos disponibles han impedido que se puedan realizar estudios complejos y exhaustivos. El presente informe se centra en
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Ecuador y pretende profundizar modestamente en la percepción y comprensión del panorama mediático de este país latinoamericano, a fin de facilitar el entendimiento de la situación actual y permitir ajustar las actividades, los proyectos y los procesos a las necesidades reales de este ámbito." (Prólogo)
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"Focusing largely on the period since retired general Thein Sein assumed the presidency in 2011, the report provides an in-depth analysis of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Processions Act, the Telecommunications Act, the News Media Law, the Electronic Transactions Act, and various Penal Code pro
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visions, among other laws. It draws from interviews with individuals facing charges, former political prisoners, journalists, students, activists, and members of civil society organizations. The new NLD-led government has taken strong first steps to release political prisoners and repeal abusive laws, but with Burma’s constitution giving the militarycontrol of the police, arrests under these abusive laws continue. Human Rights Watch calls on the government to drop all pending and new charges against peaceful critics and protesters and make it a priorityto dismantle the legal infrastructure of repression in Burma by amending or repealing all laws thatcriminalize peaceful expression and bringing them into line with international human rights standards." (Back cover)
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"The media landscape in Nicaragua has suffered substantial setbacks in recent years since President Daniel Ortega assumed power in 2007. With his government having taken hold, the number of independent media has shrunk, access to public information has become scarce, and a new governmental communica
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tions strategy drives political messaging and funding through a mix of public and private media. These outlets are controlled by members of Ortega’s family and the ruling political party, Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (Sandinista National Liberation Front, or FSLN). As an example of the climate of secrecy and opaque governance that Nicaraguans experience today, President Ortega has not participated in a press conference since he retook power. Authorities prevent independent reporters from participating in many of the official events held in public institutions. Business associates close to President Ortega bought key television stations (among them Channels 2 and 8), and now their news programs are overseen directly by Ortega’s family, according to independent news reports. Ortega’s family also holds interests in Channel 13, Viva Nicaragua. Completing this near-monopoly of television stations are Channel 4 (Multinoticias) and the state-owned Channel 6. FSLN also controls dozens of radio stations in the country and several online news portals. It follows that independent media operate in what can be called at best a semi-permissive environment: one that does not foster its sustainability." (Introduction)
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"The EuroMaidan protests that shook Ukraine in late 2013 to early 2014 triggered a chain of events that brought numerous changes and challenges for the Ukrainian society. The Ukrainian media landscape has also been affected by the new challenges and impetus for democratization. The post-Maidan perio
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d saw both, improvements in the media environment and setbacks. While Ukrainian journalists can benefit from increased media freedom, new progressive legislation and reinvigoration of the democratic debate, many problems still shape the development of the media. Editorial dependence on owners, concentration of mainstream media in the hands of oligarchs, deteriorating quality of content and crisis of professional identity are distinctive features of the post-Maidan media landscape in Ukraine. This paper provides an overview of developments in the Ukrainian media system since the declaration of independence with a special focus on the situation after the EuroMaidan and discusses four major challenges that will impact the transformation of the Ukrainian journalism and media sphere." (Abstract)
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"In Tschechien ist die Qualitätspresse in einer schwierigen Lage. Der Markt ist klein, die Kosten sind hoch und die Erträge bescheiden. Zeitungen und Nachrichtenmagazine werden ihrem Anspruch, seriöse Berichterstattung zu bieten, oft nicht gerecht. Die Verantwortung für die Boulevardisierung war
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lange den ausländischen, überwiegend deutschen Medienhäusern zugeschrieben worden, die in den 1990er Jahren in Tschechien investiert und den Pressemarkt dominiert hatten. Seit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 2008 haben sich diese Investoren zurückgezogen, die neuen Eigentümer sind meist tschechische Großunternehmer. Doch die Qualität der Berichterstattung ist nicht zwangsläufig besser geworden. Die Frage, wie frei die Presse ist, stellt sich vielmehr noch dringlicher. Dies gilt insbesondere für die Erzeugnisse aus dem Hause MAFRA, das dem Agrofert-Konzern des Großunternehmers und Finanzministers Andrej Babiš gehört." (Abstract)
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"The primary objective of the 2015 NIMP Mission was to provide technical inputs to activities underway under UNESCO’s Safety of Journalists project, particularly in terms of setting up an independent national mechanism on safety at the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). Another key objective
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was to advocate in favour of international best practices on press freedom, freedom of expression (FOE) and the right to information (RTI). Unlike previous missions, where advocacy had been the main objective, the 2015 Mission focused on three areas: The architecture of the NHRC mechanism, including a review of the procedures, by-laws, structure and organisation for making it an effective tool for ensuring safety of journalists and free expression advocates; Advocating in favour of respect for international standards on free expression and the safety of journalists, including via enabling provisions on free expression in the new constitution; Activities relating to the UNESCO safety project where there was need for international technical support." (IMS website)
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"The majority think their national media provide a diversity of views, but most say it is not free from political or commercial pressures. Two thirds of respondents (66%) agree that their national media provide a diversity of views and opinions, and the majority in all but one Member State agree (Gr
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eece is the only exception). More than four in ten EU citizens (44%) say the level of diversity of views and opinions in the national media are the same as it was five years ago, 29% think there is more diversity, while 18% say there is less. Almost four in ten respondents (38%) agree their national media provide information free from political or commercial pressure – the majority disagree (57%). There are only nine Member States where the majority agree. Just over a third of respondents agree their national public service media are free from political pressure (35%), but the majority (60%) disagree. Almost half (45%) think their national media are as free and independent as they were five years ago, while 18% say it is more free and independent, and 28% think it is less so. A small majority (53%) agree their national media provide trustworthy information, while 44% think it does not. In 19 Member States, the majority of respondents agree their national media provide trustworthy information. Radio is most likely to be considered reliable (66%), followed by television and newspapers (both 55%). Far fewer respondents consider social media to be reliable (32%). Radio is considered the most reliable media in 25 countries." (Key findings, page 4)
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