"This article examines the historical roots of the role of successive Turkish governments’ fear of media and Turkish media’s fear of government authority with respect to the development of press freedom over the long run and closely analyzes the historical pressures imposed on journalists throug
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h legal and informal means. We focus particularly on the economic and political pressure on the media in Turkey and offer three arguments regarding the fear in Turkish media: (1) Media fear is historical rather than a rupture that happened during the Justice and Development Party era; (2) out of fear of losing power, the governments use structural, legislative and extra-legal factors to the advantage of the ruling party to support a friendly media-ecology; and (3) the repressed media attempt to come out of this ecology of fear by utilizing new tactics of reporting, such as alternative media and citizen journalism." (Abstract)
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"The general objective of this Model Protocol is to serve as a reference in the development or updating of intervention and interaction protocols for security forces regarding the media, in accordance with international standards on freedom of expression, access to information and safety of journali
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sts. The Model Protocol will also serve the media and civil society organizations to promote good practices between the police and the press, and to contribute to improving the safety of journalists in the region, with an emphasis on differential risk assessment and specific protective measures for women journalists. Finally, this Model can serve as a pedagogical tool for police academies, as well as for journalism or communication schools. The Model Protocol covers three of the areas of interaction that generally exhibit higher stress levels: (1) the interaction of security forces with journalists in social protest contexts; (2) investigations of crimes by security forces and access to information by the press; and (3) the threats and other attacks on the press, as well as the responses by security forces to prevent and investigate these actions with a gender perspective." (Introduction, page 7)
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"The diversity of the state of media freedoms in Europe is reflected in its geography, where more liberal regimes are to be found in the north and the west of the continent where the freedoms are secured firmer in countries’ legislations, governments’ practices, and citizens’ behaviours. Some
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countries in the east of Europe are most restrictive with these freedoms and rights that reflects types of regimes that are autocratic. However, states increasingly use pressure on individual journalists in situations when dealing with real or perceived security threats. The same type of excuse and clarification is used by autocracies when they impose severe restrictions on media and expression or attempt to execute rigid control over public life. While the legislation in most countries gives legal provisions to freedom of expression, the practices are often restrictive in some of the European countries. The Western Balkans’ states have developed such practices. The additional issue for Europe is the development of new media and the democratisation of media, making it available to almost anybody to publish or broadcast on digital platforms. The state is yet to learn how to regulate this new space and legislate in this sphere. Should freedoms be restricted by regulating digital platforms, and whether this would lead from democratic towards authoritarian governments?" (Abstract)
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"Oppression of women, financial meltdown, censorship: Research findings by Afghan NGO Nai SOMA and DW Akademie highlight the extent of the Afghan media sector’s breakdown after the Taliban took power in Kabul." (Page 1)
"[...] Since returning to power in August 2021, the Taliban has imposed a new media control regime, which has three key features: restriction, gender-discrimination, and repression with impunity. First, the Taliban has passed several media policies, imposing extreme constraints on press freedom and
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media rights. Any sort of critical reporting on topics related to the government or the public is banned. The Taliban regulate the content of publications and broadcasts, imposing broad, vaguely worded prohibitions. For example, under the new regulations, media content that contradicts “Islamic values,” “Afghan values,” and “public interest” is prohibited. No operational definitions have been provided for these terms, nor an objective standard for assessing and determining breach. This has caused uncertainty and confusion about what the media can and cannot publish and broadcast, often resulting in precautionary media self-censorship. The new rules also give the Taliban sweeping powers to directly control the media and news output, barring broadcast and publication of matters and content that has not been officially sanctioned by Taliban official/s. These restrictions and interferences limit the right and ability of the Afghan media to seek, receive and impart information freely and independently.
Second, the Taliban has passed policies specifically targeting Afghan women in the media. These restrictions give the Taliban control over women’s attire and the nature and scope of their involvement in the media, restraining their freedom of expression and movement, as well as their ability to perform their tasks effectively. The general travel restrictions on women and girls make it almost impossible for women to work, in particular, limiting the ability of female journalists from gathering information or contributing to field reporting. The Taliban’s antiwomen media policies and practices are aimed towards excluding Afghan women from the media and public life.
Third, the Taliban treats the Afghan media and media-related affairs as a security threat. The Taliban security and intelligence agencies are increasingly involved in controlling media affairs. Taliban operatives use repressive measures against members of the Afghan media in claiming to enforce the new regulations. Afghan journalists and other members of the media have been subjected to heavy surveillance, intimidation, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Cases of beatings, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings have also taken place." (Executive summary, pages 1-2)
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"The purpose of this study is to investigate the extent to which Arab Governments limited freedom of expression and access to information for journalists while they reported on COVID-19-related issues. Design/methodology/approach: Focus group discussions were conducted with 20 journalists from Egypt
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, Jordan, Libya and Tunisia. Findings: The results of the study indicated that journalists in these countries experience violence in many forms as follows: torture, imprisonment, closure of their websites and censorship of content. In the four countries investigated, the results revealed that there is severe censorship (self-censoring and the governments) of the content presented to the public, an element that is inconsistent with the Arab Constitution, as well as international law, thus violating human rights laws. In addition, governments publish COVID-19 misinformation and at the same time, do little to support an independent media environment. Practical implications: Arab societies are in dire need of freedom of expression and the right to access information to give journalists an opportunity to cover the news during the pandemic. Originality/value: This study is important because it investigates the political changes that occurred after the Arab Spring revolutions in three countries, Egypt, Tunisia and Libya and the freedom of expression and rights is still restricted. In the same way, Jordan is a royal government that is trying to achieve democracy under a dictatorial regime. This study attempts to suggest practical solutions for journalists through various stakeholders by highlighting the importance of access to information and freedom of expression, particularly during the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. These freedoms are critical for journalists to provide health officials with information, improve the efficacy of public health interventions through feedback and prevent the spread of misinformation." (Abstract)
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"In the late 2010s, the Internet overtook television as the most popular media format in Russia. It was also the time when Russian-speaking YouTube went political: well-known bloggers started producing political content, opposition politicians became the most popular YouTubers, and finally mainstrea
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m journalists migrated to the platform, a move precipitated by Covid-19 isolation when the demand for Russian-speaking content on YouTube skyrocketed. Therefore, it came as no surprise that when the war started it was YouTube that became the main battlefield for independent Russian journalists, including those who had moved out of the country. However, YouTube was also used by Russian propaganda for years with great effect. For that reason, the Russian government was hesitant to block YouTube, unlike other global platforms that Kremlin censors blocked immediately after the war started. That provided time for Russian users to adapt and install censorship circumvention tools. The other platform that was not immediately blocked was Telegram, and Russian journalists didn’t miss that opportunity to talk to their audience either." (Summary, page 4)
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"UNESCO Multisectoral Regional Office for the West Africa-Sahel region presents the activities on communication and information programme between 2020/2021. The topics were: freedom of expression and security for journalists, media for crisis and emergencies and conflicts, media education and univer
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sal access to information, resilience of documentary heritage in West Africa, free educational resources and universal internet indicators in the Sahel region." (commbox)
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"On the surface, Namibia’s stellar reputation as the beacon of media freedom remains intact, but the role of the Fourth Estate in speaking truth to power is gradually being eroded as state officials become increasingly intolerant of the media in Namibia. The perceptible decline in the media landsc
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ape is evidenced by the intimidatory tactics the state has been using to discourage journalists from reporting on certain issues [...] Namibia’s legal and policy framework offers strong protection for freedom of expression and media freedom through Article 21 of the constitution. This is further bolstered by Article 144 of the constitution on international law, which automatically incorporates regional and international protocols, agreements and treaties signed and ratified by the Namibian government into the domestic legal system. However, commitment to the notions contained in these regional and international protocols and conventions seems to be solely on paper ..." (Summary, page 5)
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"The transformation of Hong Kong is “unstoppable,” as one official has said. And journalists should not expect any special privileges. Journalists, including foreign journalists, are welcome. But they must stick to reporting basic facts, not align with what Beijing called the “anti-China force
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s” seeking to undermine the Communist Party, and not appear to challenge the local government and police. Chris Tang, the Secretary for Security who formerly headed the police, said: “Journalists must act in good faith to provide accurate and reliable information in accordance with the principles of responsible journalism, in order to be protected by the right to freedom of expression and the press.” But the “red lines” to be avoided remain vague. Journalists are unsure what is permissible and what might be considered a violation of national security. The consequences are grave, including possible imprisonment without bail, a presumption of guilt, and if convicted — as is likely in any national security offence — a lengthy prison sentence." (Conclusion)
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"In the past decade, Bangladesh has witnessed severe erosion of democratic practices and weakening of democratic institutions. Incumbent has demonstrated its penchant for executive aggrandizement. These have transformed Bangladesh into a hybrid regime, which is marked with various characteristics in
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cluding the limited freedom of expression. International human rights organizations and organizations for press freedom have noted the continuous decline of freedom of expression in Bangladesh. The decline is due to both legal and extra-legal measures adopted by the incumbent Awami League since 2011. This chapter seeks to understand how journalists and media organizations operate in a hybrid regime. How do journalist and editors in Bangladesh negotiate between journalistic obligations and restricted freedom of press freedom by the state? What strategies do journalists undertake in their everyday professional duties to safeguard freedom? By utilizing an ethnographic approach, this chapter highlights personal and professional challenges faced by the editors and journalist in a hybrid regime." (Abstract)
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"Este documento hace un recorrido por los estándares fijados por los órganos del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos que establecen las obligaciones de los Estados para garantizar el pluralismo y la diversidad de los sistemas mediáticos como parte de la protección del derecho a la liberta
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d de expresión. Para ello se analizan los principios vinculados al alcance de la intervención estatal, sus obligaciones de inclusión y no discriminación, el reconocimiento del derecho a fundar medios y de tres sectores de la comunicación, el establecimiento de mecanismos anti-monopólicos así como las condiciones de la institucionalidad para la regulación de medios." (Página 1)
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"Quality media are indispensable. People must be able to form opinions competently. They must also be free to express their views. At the same time, there must be limits to slander, fake-news propaganda and the spreading of conspiracy theories. The internet is proving to be ambivalent. On the one ha
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nd, some kinds of online exchange are excellent – not least, as some news websites are standing up to governments with authoritarian tendencies. On the other hand, the under-regulated cyber sphere gives too much scope for spreading lies and disinformation." (Page 3)
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"The handbook is an advocacy tool that details laws and regulations that enable and impact freedom of expression, media freedom, work of human rights defenders and activists in Zambia." (Publisher description)
"Esta publicación presenta información sobre el mercado actual de los medios de comunicación en Guatemala; sobre cómo la población percibe estos medios y cuáles son los hábitos de la audiencia en el consumo de la información. Además, ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la viabilidad de los
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medios [...] Los resultados presentados abajo se refieren a las respuestas obtenidas de las 752 personas que participaron en la encuesta. Las audiencias se informan de preferencia en periódicos digitales y televisión, seguido por redes sociales. Prensa Libre es más leído, seguido por elPeriódico. La información que más se consume es la nacional, internacional y política. Un 86 por ciento lee noticias mínimo una vez al día, 65 por ciento incluso varias veces. Generalmente bien temprano o en la noche y sin preferencia para algún día en particular. El 78 por ciento lee noticias en el celular. El medio de comunicación que las personas encuestadas consideran más confiable es elPeriódico, seguido por Prensa Libre, Plaza Pública, Soy502, Ojo con mi Pisto y Agencia Ocote. Los primeros canales de televisión se encuentran en el noveno y el décimo puesto. Se confía principalmente por la presentación de noticias objetivas e información verificada y veraz, la independencia del medio, el profesionalismo de sus periodistas y la investigación." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 4-6)
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"Esta publicación presenta información sobre el mercado actual de los medios de comunicación en El Salvador, sobre cómo la población percibe estos medios y cuáles son los hábitos de la audiencia en el consumo de la información. Además, ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la viabilidad de lo
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s medios [...] Los resultados presentados abajo se refieren a las respuestas obtenidas de las 1074 personas que participaron en la encuesta. Los periódicos digitales y las redes sociales son los medios más preferidos para informarse, seguidos por la televisión. Las notas nacionales, internacionales y de política son la información más consumida. Un 68.5 por ciento manifiesta leer noticias varias veces al día; ocho de cada diez no tienen preferencia en cuanto al día. El celular es el dispositivo preferido para leer noticas con el 73 por ciento de respuestas. Los medios más consumidos son El Faro, La Prensa Gráfica y El Diario de Hoy. La televisora mejor posicionada en el ranking es TCS. El periódico más confiado es El Faro. Las principales razones para confiar en un medio son la imparcialidad, objetividad y su capacidad de investigar y transmitir noticias reales. El Faro, Gato Encerrado y Revista Factum son considerados los más independientes de grupos de poder político o económico, aunque 16.4 por ciento opina que ningún medio es independiente." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 4-6)
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"An independent media is essential to tell the world the complex unfolding story of Afghanistan. Journalists remaining in Afghanistan, as well as those who have left, desperately need support from the international community. There is need for solidarity and interventions on several fronts. The Afgh
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an journalists who have fled the country need support to relocate and restart their lives. Release from military camps in Pakistan, Abu Dhabi, Macedonia and Albania and facilitation of visas to proceed to their destination must be a priority. Support in terms of finances, skills building, resources and jobs to integrate them into their new homes is also the need of the hour. Within Afghanistan, a functioning economy needs to be restored after freezing of its assets, international sanctions and cuts in aid have contributed to a severe financial crisis in the country. Besides immediate financial assistance to survive in the short term, journalists and media houses need funds, training for the newly hired media workers and support from the international community to help rebuild the media. Regaining lost ground is crucial. Support for women journalists who are currently out of jobs, is a need that the international community can and must fulfil." (Page 4)
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