"In-depth interviews with 75 female journalists who work or have worked in Germany, India, Taiwan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America reveal that they face rampant online gendered harassment that influences how they do their jobs. Many of the women report that if they aim to engage
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with their audience online – which is a job requirement for many of them – they frequently face sexist comments that criticize, attack, marginalize, stereotype, or threaten them based on their gender or sexuality. Often, criticism of their work is framed as misogynistic attacks and, sometimes, even involves sexual violence. The journalists have developed a variety of strategies for dealing with the abuse, including limiting what they post online, changing what stories they report on, and using technological tools to prevent people from posting offensive words on the journalists’ public social media pages. Results show that this harassment disrupts the routinized practice of reciprocal journalism because it limits how much these women can interact with the audience in mutually beneficial ways without being attacked or undermined sexually. While experiences of harassment were consistent across the countries studied, cultural differences were evident in how much the journalists were expected to engage online. Results are discussed in relation to the hierarchy of influences model that aims to explain how multiple forces influence media content." (Abstract)
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"The present study brings together a unique collection of open testimonies from 20 journalists working in different member states of the Council of Europe. Each of these journalists spoke about the risks and pressures they perceived and experienced in exercising their profession, as well as their st
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rategies to build resilience and carry on in their “mission to inform”. At times, the price these women and men have had to pay for standing by their obligation to inform the public in an impartial and complete way was enormous, ranging from intrusions and limitations on private and family life, to putting their lives at risk. This was, for example, the case of Daphne Caruana Galizia, who reported fearlessly on sensitive issues, notably corruption, and who was murdered just 10 days after giving a powerful interview for this book. This was the last interview Daphne Caruana Galizia ever gave. A sample of 20 interviews cannot be representative of the situation in the Council of Europe member states. The merit of these interviews is to further exemplify different forms of interference with press freedom already identified in the 2017 study, as well as journalists’ perceptions regarding the dangers of the profession and the strategies they employ to persevere in their work." (Foreword)
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"The global phenomenon of trolling of journalists lays out the ambivalent consequences of news interactivity and the risks of digital publicity. The push for digital publicity made journalists more exposed to attacks amid rising digital hate and the populist demonization of the news media. The negat
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ive impact of trolling reveals important blind spots of aspirational visions about the consequences of audience interactivity for journalism. The troubling consequences of trolling raise important questions for journalism studies. How to rethink the notion of the public in journalism when newsrooms experience "participation fatigue", disappointment, and frustration with audience engagement? What if members of the public refuse to play by the rules of civility and tolerance? What if interactive platforms are vehicles for hate rather than reason, facticity, listening, or critical thinking? Addressing these questions is necessary to produce nuanced arguments about journalism, the public and publicity." (Abstract)
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"Rising numbers of online attacks against journalists have been documented globally. Female, minority reporters and journalists who cover issues interwoven with right-wing identity anchors have been primary targets. This trend reflects growing forms of mob censorship linked to the demonization of jo
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urnalists and the press by populist leaders. Based on recent cases in the United States, I define mob censorship as bottom-up, citizen vigilantism aimed at disciplining journalism. Effective responses are hard to come by given the pervasiveness of digital hate speech and the limitations of traditional approaches to the problems it represents for democratic communication." (Abstract)
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"Online harassment and abuse against women journalists has become a major hazard to the profession. One that threatens women journalists’ ability to do their jobs. It violates their right to freedom of expression as much as it hampers free and open access to information for all members of society.
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This #SOFJO Resource Guide formulates an answer to that threat. It aims to assist States and non-State actors across the OSCE region in taking real actions to improve the safety of female journalists online. The practices presented are all examples of ways in which international standards and commitments can be realized. This #SOFJO Resource Guide provides the key actors with a brief selection of the most relevant and achievable steps. Taken together, these steps form an interrelated structure in which women journalists can continue their profession online in a safer manner." (Back cover)
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"Journalists have always faced restrictions on their freedom of speech and threats to their security in Pakistan. During Pakistan's 2018 general elections, the country's media was also managed and controlled to create a maligned public-sphere to misguide the Pakistani voters. Public sphere was malig
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ned through misinformation, political propaganda and distortion of facts and maneuvering of journalism. This created ill effects for public discourses on democracy. Findings obtained through in-depth interviews of twenty journalists, who covered elections 2018, revealed that strategic media maneuvering was witnessed during the country's 2018 elections. Media freedom was largely constrained and journalists faced physical, psychological and financial threats in the line of their duty and for their efforts to foster democracy in the country. This study revealed Pakistan's long history of dictatorship, weak political system, and national psyche of control as the major reasons for such happenings." (Abstract)
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"All citizens have equal rights to lead their life in any country in the world. The primary responsibility of the government is to protect the rights of all human beings on equal basis residing in a country. This study is an endeavor to highlight the intensity and reasons behind the threats received
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by working journalists and media professionals performing their duties in Pakistan. Furthermore, it has been generally observed that not all media professionals are posed equally to threats. Therefore, this study examined only those working journalists and media professionals who are facing different types of threats by state and non-state actors. Out of these media professionals such as working journalists, reporters, correspondents, anchor persons, columnists and cameramen are performing more risky jobs. These threats not only include kidnapping, harassment, injuries but also results in the deaths of working journalists and media professionals. It has also been observed that in some cases, the families and friends of the journalists are being killed without any reason. The study includes all kinds of media i.e. electronic, printing, and social media in Pakistan. The journalists are sometimes victimized by both - state and non-state actors while practicing freedom of expression. The research is descriptive in nature based on secondary data published by renowned national and international organizations. The study finds that none of the provinces is safe for working journalists and media professionals in Pakistan. These persons are penalized for bringing the reality out among the general public. The study implies that government and media owners must ensure the safety of journalists in Pakistan. This research also provides the safety measures in contextual factors for the working journalists and media professionals of Pakistan. Keywords: Threats, Media, Working journalists, Media Professionals, Safety Measures." (Abstract)
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"The aim of the study is to investigate Estonian female journalists’ experiences with harassment resulting in self-censorship. We carried out three studies: one in 2015, a second in 2016 and a third one in 2018. The data were gathered by in-depth interviews (2015 and 2018), journalists’ diaries
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(2015) and a questionnaire (2016). The sample consisted of eight sports journalists (2015), 12 female journalists from different fields (2018) and 181 respondents (115 female, 66 male, 2016). The results of the three studies revealed that comments made towards female journalists aimed at degrading their authority (emphasizing age, experience or gender); and argued that female journalists should work elsewhere or find a more “female” profession. Female journalists did not read comments on their stories not only because of the lack of time, but to avoid harassment and insults. Secondly, to avoid harassment from sources or audiences, journalists showed signs of self-censorship as they avoided writing on topics that bring along more attention, such as refugees, minority groups, and corruption cases, or avoided writing on topics that include sources with whom they have had negative experiences." (Abstract)
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"What are to be considered as threats against journalism? Whereas the literature on safety of journalists mainly discusses threats as part of armed conflicts, this article studies how other kinds of conflicts such as economic strangulation and the viability threat represent threats against journalis
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ts’ work and safety. It argues that acts of intimidation directed against journalists represent an attack on democracy itself as they have the effect of limiting the freedom of expression. The aim of this study is to explore how journalists operate in such a conflict and under such uncertainty, as an implication of (political) pressure caused by the politics of Memoranda in Greece, Cyprus, and Spain. The comparative analysis focuses on possible changes in the processes of message construction and in the journalistic practices of the participants, exploring if, how, and to what extent these changes were imposed to journalists directly or indirectly." (Abstract)
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"New technologies have opened several risks to safety of journalists. More importantly, in the state of emergency caused by the Covid-19 outbreak, journalists and media actors have shifted their activities online more than ever, which also made them more prone to digital threats and attacks. In some
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regimes there are even organized intimidation campaigns against political opponents causing chilling effect and self-censorship, and jeopardizing freedom of expression in general. Hungary as a member of the European Union since 2004 and Serbia as a leading candidate to join the EU are two countries where the problems and concerns about media freedom is growing every day. The fear from the unknown during the international pandemic gave opportunity to some governments to hide their real political agendas and cover their desire for the 'good-old-fashioned' censorship. The number of countries where some kind of censorship could be found is growing every day. The authors will show two country-case-studies from Hungary and Serbia, where the leaders and the political situations are very similar and could show a (good or bad) example to other countries that would like to follow the illiberal views on media issues." (Abstract)
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"Anti-press violence in Colombia's Bajo Cauca is an inherent part of the structures, which underpin the region's alternative social (dis)order. Through ethnographic interviews with four members of Colombia's neo-paramilitary group, Los Urabenos, who have perpetrated attacks against journalists, this
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study argues that anti-press violence can co-exist alongside a sense of respect for journalism. It identifies a direct link between a journalist's style of reporting and the level of risk to which they might be exposed, as well as between neo-paramilitary decisions to kill or intimidate and the level of law enforcement in operation. It is argued that anti-press violence is connected to the perpetrators' democratic and economic survival. In these circumstances, anti-press violence is presented as a tool of criminal governance to maintain the alternative social (dis)order and protect the neo-paramilitaries'brutalact of 'insurgent citizenship'. Such analysis moves beyond the consideration of the wider democratic implications of anti-press violence to provide a more nuanced understanding of theprovocative, deliberativeandstructuraldeterminants, which underpin it on the violent margins of Colombia." (Abstract)
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"Violence against Mexican journalists has received significant attention from scholars at home and abroad during the last decade. However, though a diversity of issues have been consistently studied, there is one topic that is still largely neglected: the implications of technology for news workers
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security and their journalistic practice. Drawing on a set of semi-structured interviews with 93 journalists working in 23 of the most dangerous Mexican subnational entities, the aim of this article is to fill that gap. Empirical evidence from all over the country points to a nearly unanimous perception of digital technologies as being a “double-edged knife.” This is because electronic devices and social media may be used as a tool for developing better reporting practices, but also as a weapon against journalists, through – for instance – online harassment or espionage." (Abstract)
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"Online harassment of women journalists imposes self-censorship and threatens women’s participation in online journalism. This is of grave concern for the development of freedom of speech and plurality in the media (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe [OSCE], 2019). Part of this i
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ssue’s complexity was summarized by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) Deputy General Secretary, Jeremy Dear: “In some parts of the world, it’s a result of what women write and in others it’s because of the mere fact that they write” (IFEX, 2019). Perhaps more often, these two motivational factors are working together creating a significantly more threatening online environment for female journalists than for their male colleagues. When such discontent appears within the ungoverned spheres of the Internet, the dimension of it seems to grow exponentially. The result is a climate of fear, silence and self-censorship – and potentially women’s absence in the future online public sphere. This chapter presents an explorative theoretical approach to understanding the processes at play when women journalists are threatened and harassed online. Looking primarily to research within gender- and feminist- theory, computer communication and cyber psychology studies and literature on antipress violence, I argue that female journalists’ predisposition to online harassment is largely connected to online governance (or lack thereof), an enduring patriarchy and a rise in threats against journalists." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the experiences of female journalists in Nepal in the context of rapidly growing expansion of broadband Internet. By examining the findings of the qualitative in-depth interview of 48 female journalists, it argues that online platforms are threatening press freedom in Nepal, mai
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nly by silencing female journalists. The study also indicates that the problem is particularly severe in such a patriarchal society as a significant number of incidents of abuse go unreported, largely due to a culture of shame as well as ineffective legislation. Over the course of this article, I have attempted to show how social issues raised by second-wave feminism and online feminism are similar. The findings show that some of the female journalists experiencing harassment tolerate it by being ‘strong like a man,’ while many of them avoid social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook to keep free of such abuse. The study also suggests that individual efforts to tackle the vicious issue of misogyny might not be enough and collective effort from legislation, media organisations, and feminists is required to address the issue." (Abstract)
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"This article, through conducting a study of the sexual harassment (SH) of media workers, investigates the extent and types of SH experienced by the editorial staff of Norwegian newsrooms at the time the #MeToo campaign arrived in Norway, and what effects such experiences have on journalists’ prof
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essional lives. We are also interested in what Norwegian media houses are doing to address these challenges. The leading research question consists of three interrelated parts: To what extent are journalists exposed to SH? What coping strategies do they use? How can newsrooms be better prepared to fight SH, from the perspective of the safety of journalists? A mixed methods approach, which combines findings from a quantitative questionnaire with qualitative in-depth interviews, was used to answer these questions. The findings show that female, young, and temporary media workers are significantly more frequently targeted than others and that those who had experienced SH handled the situation using avoiding strategies to a significantly greater extent than those who had only been exposed to unwanted attention experiences. The findings feed into a discussion of what strategies media houses can use to be better prepared in the fight against SH." (Abstract)
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"European Parliament resolution of 25 November 2020 on strengthening media freedom: the protection of journalists in Europe, hate speech, disinformation and the role of platforms (2020/2009(INI))." (Introduction)
"The chapters document a multitude of factors pushing journalists to self-censor out of fear of repercussions such as government pressures, police brutality, social violence, corruption, misogyny and gendered stereotyping, surveillance, economic factors and more. The range of causes of self-censorsh
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ip are grounded in the actions (and perceived future actions) of a variety of actors, including state and government officials, commercial enterprises, civil society groups and citizens in general. Self-censorship due to perceived risk hinders (critical) reporting on a range on topics of societal importance, including corruption, organized crime, politics, religion, sex, homosexuality, minority groups, and human rights violations in general. Risk associated with publishing also entails that journalists sometimes avoid seeking out information out of fear of knowing. Possible measures that can be taken by journalists and newsrooms in order to minimize risks and decrease self-censorship among journalists include safety training, organizational and psychological support, moderation of online comments sections, gender policies in newsrooms, and collective efforts to share information and “speak out” against prosecution, harassment and other safety risks. NGOs and other civil society initiatives supporting journalism can help strengthen laws protecting journalists online and offline, improve netiquette, gender equality and push governments to respect freedom of speech and the media." (Abstract)
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"Risks to journalists are rising with disasters, epidemics, physical, mental and digital harassment all increasing globally. Some 1382 journalists have been killed since 1992 and 246 are imprisoned. However, the threat type has been changing, with the majority of journalists killed annually being on
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es working in their own country, often who are targeted for assassination. In response, UNESCO and others have called for research into best practice for safety education to halt this and the consequential decline in global media freedom. This five-year award winning project, A Holistic Humanitarian Approach to Enhance the Safety and Resilience of Journalists Globally, tested the hypothesis that a new pedagogy based on a 'holistic humanitarian' philosophy would be more effective in protecting journalists working in dangerous domains globally than existing provisions. The little-changed 30-year-old dominant international provision, the 'military battlefield' pedagogy, is used by the world's major news organizations like BBC, CNN and the New York Times. This new pedagogy adapted and customized best practice from other professions and used Taylor's 2020 Competencies for Disaster Healthcare professionals. A new program was devised and the two international cohorts who took it in 2018 and 2019 judged that it 'very significantly' enhanced their resilience and safety skills. Its concentration on group and individual physical and mental resilience building, risk mitigation, psychology, communication, self-defence, and digital security skill acquisition was a paradigm shift in training internationally for news professionals in dangerous environments. The research, thus, proved the study's hypotheses." (Abstract)
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"Côte d’Ivoire’s national election in 2010 descended into civil war into 2011 when incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo refused to concede the presidency to the internationally recognized winner Alassane Ouattara. The three political players in this election—the parties of Ouattara, Gbagbo, and
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France—had deep economic incentives in the outcome of Côte d’Ivoire’s election. Drawing from interviews conducted in 2016 and 2017 in Côte d’Ivoire with 24 journalists, findings show that journalists endured many acts of harassment from political parties trying to manipulate the news coverage of this election. I argue that the mechanisms observed in Côte d’Ivoire’s electoral crisis reflect how conditions of war activate informal power alliances within the political–economic dynamics of a Global South nation in the postcolonial era. These alliances push on media in ways they would not normally during peacetime. Côte d’Ivoire is a former colony of France. It is a part of “Françafrique,” a region of 12 French-speaking African countries where France still retains considerable economic impact and has intervened militarily dozens of times since the colonies were emancipated in the early 1960s." (Abstract)
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"The media play an essential role of informing and mobilising voters as well as facilitating a two-way communication process between citizens and those vying for electoral offices during elections. This allows citizens to get information on various issues from the contenders, which largely informs t
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heir electoral decisions. In most less democratic societies however, this media function is increasingly becoming difficult to fulfil due to challenges journalists encounter during electoral processes. Using Uganda’s last general elections in 2016 as a case study, this article discusses the safety of journalists during elections basing on findings from a bigger study on the media coverage of the 2016 elections, supplemented by in-depth interviews with 10 journalists who covered the elections. In addition, the analysis makes reference to the 2016 Uganda Press Freedom Index. Findings of this research show that journalists face more safety and security risks during elections particularly perpetuated by state security agencies. Compared to previous elections, the 2016 elections also recorded the highest number of victims who were female journalists. This article highlights key challenges journalists face during elections, which include: state harassment and intimidation, arrest of those considered critical to the state, and denial of access to important information. Due to concerns of their own safety, journalists have responded to the insecure work environment by engaging in self-censorship, thereby giving biased or limited information to the public. The article identifies gaps that media development agencies can help to close if the media are to play their rightful role in a democratic society, especially during the electoral process." (Abstract)
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