"Donor policies place great emphasis on the importance of state-building in post-Conflict states, and many donors also recognize the relevance civil society and a professional media sector have for successful transformation processes, says this report. However, operationally and conceptually these a
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reas are treated as separate sectors. Current post-Conflict assistance, this study argues, fails to pay sufficient attention to the links between state institutions, civil society and the media. In the first part, it reviews the current state-building debate and introduces the public sphere framework. For practitioners, the study provides a public sphere assessment toolkit and a toolbox for interventions. The second part provides the reader with a public sphere analysis of Timor Leste, Liberia and Burundi, and recommendations on how to address the specific challenges observed in these countries." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"Senegal is said to be a democratic model for Africa. This reputation was promoted by the former presidents Senghor and Diouf (both Socialist Party), and confirmed through the democratic change of government to the Senegalese Democratic Party under its leader Wade in 2000. Ostensibly, the successful
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democratization is reflected in the mass media sector, which has gone through a dydnamic change since the end of the 1970s. In the course of the process of liberalization, pluralization and popularization, the market was segmented and media usage increased. The public sphere is established by political, religious, economic, media and regulation actors who compete for influence, control and ownership. One of the main characteristics of Senegalese media culture consists of multiple conflicts between these actors. In fact, the media played an important part in the democratization process and the development of civic resonsibility, but at the same time these transformations paradoxically contributed to the undermining of foundations of democracy in the last 15 years. After a historic retrospect, the article describes the conflicting practices of the competing actors in the public sphere, and explains why these practices are responsible for the lack of credibility of mass media among the Senegalese population." (Abstract)
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"Examining the communications media and its relationship to political change in Southeast Asia, this study endeavours to provide both a regional comparative analysis and an interpretation of the mass communication media in the wake of 9/11." (Publisher description)
"Le président brésilien Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva n’a jamais eu de relations faciles avec la presse de son pays. Cette dernière a en effet appuyé, en grande majorité, le coup d’État qui a mené à la dictature militaire (1964-1985), et mis, depuis le rétablissement de la démocratie, tou
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te son énergie au service des candidats conservateurs. Cela n’a pas empêché finalement Lula de l’emporter en 2002, et d’être réélu en 2006, les deux fois avec un nombre record de suffrages. Cet ouvrage met l’accent sur le rôle d’acteur politique que joue la presse au Brésil, avec ses intérêts propres, y compris économiques, même lorsqu’ils sont dissimulés sous le manteau des grands principes démocratiques (« l’indépendance du quatrième pouvoir », « l’intérêt public », etc.). Publiant des témoignages inédits provenant des coulisses du gouvernement et des rédactions, Giancarlo Summa montre comment un leader charismatique, qui gouverne au nom des intérêts matériels et symboliques de la majorité défavorisée de la population, parvient à rompre le blocus des médias traditionnels. Le choix du président d’une communication directe (meetings, messages télévisés, Internet, recours à la presse locale et aux radios communautaires, etc.) lui a permis assurément de contourner le monopole médiatique des grands groupes commerciaux. Cependant Lula a renoncé à mettre sur pied une véritable politique de communication susceptible de remettre en question les intérêts structurels de ces grandes compagnies et de favoriser la création de médias alternatifs d’importance." (Dos de couverture)
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"This highly accessible text compares media institutions and political experiences in countries around the world, including the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia, to enable students to think critically about the central questions in the study of media and politics. The book balances cont
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emporary case studies with explanations of key theories and concepts, and includes a section on political communication research methods, empowering students to fully understand - and conduct their own comparative research into - the impact of media on the political sphere." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the development of television in India since the early 1990s, and its implications for Indian society more widely. Until 1991, India possessed only a single state-owned television channel, but since then there has been a rapid expansion in independent satellite channels which cam
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e as a complete break from the statist control of the past. This book explores this transformation, explaining how television, a medium that developed in the industrial West, was adapted to suit Indian conditions, and in turn has altered Indian social practices, making possible new ways of imagining identities, conducting politics and engaging with the state. In particular, satellite television initially came to India as the representative of global capitalism but it was appropriated by Indian entrepreneurs and producers who Indianized it. Considering the full gamut of Indian television - from "national" networks in English and Hindi to the state of regional language networks - this book elucidates the transformative impact of television on a range of important social practices, including politics and democracy, sport and identity formation, cinema and popular culture. Overall, it shows how the story of television in India is also the story of India's encounter with the forces of globalisation." (Publisher description)
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"Um die Medienlandschaft Bulgariens steht es nicht zum Besten – trotz zweier Jahrzehnte Distanz zum Fall des Kommunismus und eines von zahlreichen Medien vereinbarten Ethik-Kodex, der von Wahrhaftigkeit und Achtung der Menschenwürde, von Zensurfreiheit und redaktioneller Unabhängigkeit spricht.
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Als Handelsgesellschaften registriert, entziehen sich die Medien in der Regel einer Kontrolle ihrer Finanzierungsquellen. Ausländische Investoren fördern zwar die Modernisierung etwa der Printmedien, behindern aber durch ihre Preisgestaltung die Etablierung einer unabhängigen Presse. Beherrscher des Printmedienmarktes sind die WAZ-Gruppe mit Produkten wie Trud, 24 tschassa und 168 tschassa sowie das auf Wirtschaftsthemen spezialisierte Verlagshaus Economedia. Im Rundfunk- und TV-Bereich, der durch das Hörfunk- und Fernsehgesetz reguliert ist, wacht der Rat für elektronische Medien über die Einhaltung von Bestimmungen etwa zu Werbung, Urheberrecht und Jugendschutz. Doch fördern weder die Politik des Rats selbst noch die Besitzverhältnisse der Einzelmedien deren tatsächliche Freiheit und programmatische Souveränität. Als weitgehend unabhängig gilt allenfalls das Internet. Die Zeiten sind nicht günstig für anspruchsvolle Medien und einen selbstbewussten, investigativen Journalismus in Bulgarien. Zu hoffen bleibt nur, dass die zunehmende Verwurzelung des Landes in Europa auf lange Sicht positiv wirkt." (Seite 6)
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