"This guide for policy-makers developed by the United Nations’ Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect (OSAPG) and UNESCO provides specific strategies and approaches to address hate speech within and through education. Countering harmful, discriminatory and violent narrativ
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es in the form of xenophobia, racism, antisemitism, anti-Muslim hatred and other types of intolerance, whether online or offline, requires interventions at every level of education, in both formal and non-formal settings. This guide offers concrete recommendations, good practices and lessons learned on how to combat hate speech and provide safe and respectful learning environments, as well as the broader goal of fostering inclusive societies." (Back cover)
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"From Ethiopia to Sudan, there has been significant concern about the role of hate speech and incitement on social media to promote offline violence and, at its most extreme, genocide. These questions have become more urgent with the growth of large language models and Artificial Intelli-gence that
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are increasingly shaping online speech and may amplify existing concerns. In this paper, we interrogate the assumptions and myths about the causal link between online speech and its impact on the offline world by evaluating the empirical evidence. Overall, we found that there is limited ev-idence pointing to this direct association and, in line with broader literature on the underlying causes of violence, our review points to longer-term contextual, historical, and economic factors that often drive conflict, particularly in Africa. We conclude by identifying major evidence gaps and highlighting the need for caution when attributing the impact of online hate speech on violence." (Abstract)
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"1. Expansive reach and influence of WhatsApp groups: The study findings indicate that WhatsApp groups have a remarkably wide reach, potentially connecting with three quarters of WhatsApp users in Lebanon. These groups are part of larger networks, which enhances the dissemination of content. Moreove
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r, their cost-effectiveness for advertising, compared to platforms like Facebook, makes them a formidable tool for targeted information dissemination. 2. Dominant themes and regional variation in conversations: The analysis revealed that conversations in the 37 sampled groups revolved mainly around key themes such as livelihood, security, politics, and foreign countries’ involvement in Lebanon. Interestingly, there were regional variations in the content promoted and more specifically in fear-oriented news, reflecting the different concerns prevalent in various areas. 3. Sensationalism, speculation, and fearmongering: WhatsApp groups frequently employ sensationalized language, unverified speculations, and a focus on dramatic events. These practices contribute to an atmosphere of anxiety and uncertainty among the public, potentially influencing behaviors, including purchasing trends and political opinion-shaping. 4. Mis- and disinformation: The study highlighted the pervasive spread of false or misleading information, particularly during sensitive periods, where it can be used to exploit or manipulate public sentiment. Notable examples include unreliable earthquake predictions and the case of Sheikh Al Rifai’s murder." (Conclusion, page 38)
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"Verschwörungstheoretiker*innen, Antisemit*innen und Rassist*innen haben sich ein Standbein auf TikTok gebaut – das berichten Expert*innen und bildungspolitische Akteur*innen immer wieder. Besonders in Krisenzeiten hat diese Art Content Konjunktur – so etwa während der Corona-Pandamie oder der
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erneuten Eskalation des Nahostkonflikts im Mai 2021. Auch wir als Bildungsstätte Anne Frank beobachten, dass hier nahezu keinerlei Zurückhaltung mehr herrscht: Regelmäßig werden auch unsere Videos mit sexistischen und antisemitischen Kommentaren geflutet [...] TikTok verweist gerne auf die eigenen Community-Richtlinien, die natürlich Hass, Beleidigungen und Mobbing auf der Plattform verbieten; die Plattform wirbt immer wieder damit, wie viele Videos aus dem Verkehr gezogen wurden. Dennoch: Antisemitismus, Rassismus, Sexismus, Queerfeindlichkeit, Ableismus und Verschwörungserzählungen sind auf TikTok omnipräsent. Ohne ein aktives und qualifiziertes Engagement von Influencer*innen, Institutionen und Nutzer*innen ist ihre Bekämpfung unter den aktuellen Bedingungen nicht möglich." (Vorwort, Seite 2-3)
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"En un mundo globalizado donde la información fluye, los medios de comunicación tienen un papel esencial en moldear opiniones y actitudes. En El discurso de odio en los medios de Ecuador: percepciones y soluciones, estudiantes del sexto ciclo de Comunicación en la Universidad Politécnica Salesia
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na, sede Cuenca, abordan un tema de gran relevancia en nuestra sociedad actual. Utilizando su formación académica como base enriquecedora, estos jóvenes investigadores exploran el fenómeno del discurso de odio en los medios de comunicación ecuatorianos. A través de estudios de caso y análisis críticos rigurosos, examinan cómo ciertas expresiones mediáticas pueden perpetuar estereotipos dañinos, promover la división y socavar los pilares de una sociedad diversa y plural. Este libro no solo arroja luz sobre los desafíos que enfrenta nuestra sociedad respecto al discurso de odio, sino que también destaca la importancia de una comunicación responsable y ética mediante propuestas para mitigar la misoginia, homofobia, racismo, xenofobia y disablismo en los medios de comunicación en el contexto ecuatoriano." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"We inquire into different perspectives and patterns of problematizing online hate speech within the social sciences from a systems-theoretical perspective. Our results identify five different research perspectives adopted by studies on the issue: (1) systematic perspectives on problems of operation
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alizing (online) hate speech; (2) intentionalist perspectives on actors and their motives; (3) consequentialist perspectives on victims of online hate speech; (4) perspectives on media affordances, infrastructures, and strategies of online hate speech; and finally, (5) normative perspectives on the consequences of online hate speech. Additionally, we want to propose a functionalist perspective on hate communication and, for this purpose, develop a systems-theoretical and media-sociological framework for analyzing online hate speech. A systems-theoretical perspective connects to a process-oriented paradigm of doing hate speech. Instead of asking what hate speech is, a systems-theoretical framework focuses on how different communicative contextures empirically produce different understandings of hate communication. We will make four research proposals: We will (1) conceptualize hate as hate communication, then proceed to (2) analyze different communicative contextures, (3) develop media archeology of negation and conflict communication, and finally (4) focus on the function of conflict and hate communication for the emergence of (counter-)publics." (Abstract)
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"Over the last two decades, online platforms have been used to repackage racist, sexist and xenophobic ideologies into new sociotechnical forms. Digital hate is ancient but novel, deploying the Internet to boost its allure and broaden its appeal. To understand the logic of hate, Luke Munn investigat
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es four objects: 8chan, the cesspool of the Internet, QAnon, the popular meta-conspiracy, Parler, a social media site, and Gab, the "platform for the people." Drawing together powerful human stories with insights from media studies, psychology, political science, and race and cultural studies, he portrays how digital hate infiltrates hearts and minds." (Publisher description)
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"Hate speech is more complex and diverse on social media. It spreads at high speed and can impact behaviors beyond the borders where it originates. Hate is ubiquitous, interactive, and multimedia. It is available 24/7, reaching a much larger audience. On social media, haters can be anonymous and fin
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d support from individuals with the same aggressive mindset. This is just a brief characterization and certainly presents many theoretical gaps that need improvement. This book explores the nature of hate speech on social media. Readers will find chapters written by 21 authors from 18 universities or research centers. It includes researchers from 11 countries, prioritizing a diversity of approaches from the Global North and Global South – Brazil, Cyprus, Ethiopia, Germany, Nigeria, Portugal, South Africa, Spain, Switzerland, Turkey, and the USA. The analyses herein involve the realities in an even larger number of countries, given the transnational approach of some of these studies." (Preface, page 13)
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"Es ist erstaunlich, dass der römisch-katholische Radio-Priester Charles Coughlin – Vertreter der amerikanischen Religiösen Rechten, Antikommunist, Antisemit, Demagoge und Zeitzeuge der ersten America First-Bewegung – hierzulande so gut wie unbekannt ist. Ebenso erstaunlich ist, dass er bis vo
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r kurzem in den USA, einem Land, in dem allsonntäglich Millionen Menschen seinen politischen Predigten lauschten, nahezu vollständig in Vergessenheit geraten war. Coughlins Geschichte weist viele Aspekte auf, die auch gegenwärtig in Gesellschaft und Politik, nicht nur in den USA, eine Rolle spielen: die Nutzung neuer Medien für die Verbreitung von alternativen Fakten und Verschwörungstheorien, der Erfolg populistischer Versprechungen, Narzissmus, die Konfrontation von Demagogie und wehrhafter Demokratie. Der Politikwissenschaftler Helmut Klumpjan schildert das politisch-religiöse Leben Father Coughlins, erklärt den historischen und politischen Kontext seiner Zeit (1891–1979) und misst zuletzt den Wegbereiter des Hate Radio an seinem eigenen Idol: Wie gelingt es einem Menschen, der sich das Liebes-Motto einer christlichen Heiligen auf die Fahne geschrieben hat, dennoch Hass zu verbreiten?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Der Propagandafilm »Jud Süß« (1940) wurde von den Nationalsozialisten gezielt eingesetzt, um antisemitische Gewalttaten hervorzurufen - zum Beispiel in den Konzentrationslagern. Umso erstaunlicher ist es, dass der Regisseur Veit Harlan nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg die antisemitische Stoßrichtung
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des Filmes leugnete. Bill Niven schildert in seinem Buch u. a. die intensive Debatte um den Film - und um die Person Harlans - im Nachkriegsdeutschland. Demonstrationen in Westdeutschland in den 1950er Jahren gegen Harlans Neueinstieg ins Filmgeschäft spielten eine wichtige Rolle bei der Entwicklung einer demokratischen Protestkultur und einer Abwehrhaltung gegenüber Antisemitismus. Im Nahen Osten aber fing Harlans Film ein neues Leben an - als antiisraelische Propaganda. Die Bundesrepublik reagierte auf diesen Missbrauch recht zögerlich. Damit war aber die Geschichte des Films keineswegs zu Ende. Bis in die Gegenwart versucht man, anhand von »Jud Süß« mit pädagogischen Mitteln aufzuzeigen, wie antisemitische Propaganda funktioniert - die Angst vor dem Film ist aber noch groß." (Verlagsinformation)
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"Quality media are indispensable. People must be able to form opinions competently. They must also be free to express their views. At the same time, there must be limits to slander, fake-news propaganda and the spreading of conspiracy theories. The internet is proving to be ambivalent. On the one ha
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nd, some kinds of online exchange are excellent – not least, as some news websites are standing up to governments with authoritarian tendencies. On the other hand, the under-regulated cyber sphere gives too much scope for spreading lies and disinformation." (Page 3)
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"This report highlights the networks, supporters, and the platforms of Islamic State disinformation disseminators, focusing on popular social media platforms as well as encrypted messaging applications. These disinformation networks are creating self-branded media outlets with followers in the tens
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of thousands, and often with innocuous names like “Global Happenings,” “DRIL” and “Media Center,” to evade moderation and takedowns. These same networks use coded language and a codebook of emojis to spread Islamic State “news” to other networks of supporters, who similarly evade moderation. These ‘alternative news outlets’ are trying to outcompete narratives publicized by government officials as well as independent mainstream media and individual journalists – groups that were also heavily targeted by Islamic State." (Publisher description)
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"This strategy, prepared through a consultative process, identifies some approaches and interventions in counter speech in the context of Sri Lanka's socio-political realities. It is meant to help streamline and scale up various efforts already being pursued by different individuals or groups. The f
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ocus is on promoting strategic thinking and strategic communication in deciding when (and if) to respond to problematic speech, and how best to do so. Investing sufficient time in thinking through these early, important steps can help make subsequent material production and dissemination activities more effective." (Executive summary)
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"¿Cuáles son las principales herramientas comunicativas de los movimientos feministas en Iberoamérica? ¿Qué papel juega la comunicación en la cuarta ola? ¿Cómo se articulan las contranarrativas a los discursos del odio digitales contra activistas y comunicadoras? Las investigaciones en comun
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icación y género de este libro permiten observar cómo se están produciendo avances a ambos lados del Atlántico, que dialogan sobre el espacio digital como un lugar de disputa discursiva y el rol fundamental de los movimientos feministas y las profesionales de la comunicación en la actualidad." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Using expert interviews and focus groups, this book investigates the theoretical and practical intersection of misinformation and social media hate in contemporary societies. Social Media and Hate argues that these phenomena, and the extreme violence and discrimination they initiate against targete
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d groups, are connected to the socio-political contexts, values and behaviours of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, ShareChat, Instagram and WhatsApp. The argument moves from a theoretical discussion of the practices and consequences of sectarian hatred, through a methodological evaluation of quantitative and qualitative studies on this topic, to four qualitative case studies of social media hate, and its effects on groups, individuals and wider politics in India, Brazil, Myanmar and the UK. The technical, ideological and networked similarities and connections between social media hate against people of African and Asian descent, indigenous communities, Muslims, Dalits, dissenters, feminists, LGBTQIA+ communities, Rohingya and immigrants across the four contexts is highlighted, stressing the need for an equally systematic political response." (Publisher description)
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