mediadev library

Filter

211

Sort by:

Direction:

Hate Speech, Propaganda and Disinformation in Albanian Media

Ilda Londo

Tirana; Ljubljana: South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM); Peace Institute; Albanian Media Institute (2020), 27 pp.

"[...] the purpose of this paper is to highlight the main models and elements that media in Albania manifest regarding hate speech, propaganda and disinformation. The research focuses mainly on online media, as they are identified as the main carriers of disinformation and hate speech, with a few ex ... more

Download (3)

Más que palabras: Buscando consensos para caracterizar el discurso de odio

Asociación por los Derechos Civiles (ADC) (2020), 37 pp.

"[...] la presente investigación tiene como objeto cuatro naciones de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Costa Rica y Panamá. Se analiza de qué manera cada uno de los países seleccionados caracteriza al discurso de odio y cómo lo enfrenta. Este abordaje se realizó desde una perspectiva legal ... more

External Link (32)

Hate Speech in Southeast Asia: New Forms, Old Rules

Bangkog: Asia Centre (2020), 40 pp.

External Link (27)

Google Scholar (27)

WorldCat (24)

Hate Speech in Asia and Europe: Beyond Hate and Fear

Myungkoo Gang, Marie-Orange Rivé-Lasan, Wooja Kim, Philippa Hall (eds.)

London; New York: Routledge (2020), xi, 193 pp.

"This edited collection provides a timely review of the current state of hate speech research in Asia and Europe, through the comparative examples of Korea, Japan and France. Extending the study of hate speech studies beyond the largely western emphasis on European and US contexts dominant in the fi ... more

Download (4)

Social Media and Conflict in Libya: A Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms

Jacqueline Lacroix

Washington, DC: PeaceTech Lab; Development Transformations; Elbiro Foundation (2019), 36 pp.

"PeaceTech Lab’s work on hate speech aims to identify and contextualize the particular types of language that are likely to cause violence. This project identifies relevant terms through on-theground information gathering and examines their origins, background context, and use in a particular coun ... more

External Link (34)

Google Scholar (32)

WorldCat (32)

From Preachers to Comedians: Ideal Types of Hate Speakers in Brazil

Liriam Sponholz, Rogério Christofoletti

Global Media and Communication, volume 15, issue 1 (2019), pp. 67-84

"This article attempts to develop a theoretical framework in order to understand how the media system has been enabling public figures to use hate speech to enhance their media prominence. The current scenario in Brazil, shaped by a high concentration of (private) media ownership, an economic crisis ... more

Google Scholar (53)

WorldCat (50)

Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond
Deep Insights

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), x, 637 pp.

"The book includes an extensive section on the echoes of Rwanda, which looks at the cases of Darfur, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, and South Sudan, while the impact of social media as a new actor is examined through chapters on social media use by the Islamic State and in Syria and in other ... more

Download (6)

Satellite Sectarianisation or Plain Old Partisanship? Inciting Violence in the Arab Mainstream Media

Jessica Watkins

London: LSE Middle East Centre (2019), 23 pp.

"This report assesses widespread claims that pan-Arab satellite news channels are responsible for inciting sectarian violence during the Arab uprisings. Based on an empirical study of how the most popular channels (Al-Jazeera Arabic and Al-Arabiya) and a competitive newcomer (Al-Mayadeen) have frame ... more

Download (1)

Information Flows and Radicalization Leading to Violent Extremism in Central Asia

Search for Common Ground; Internews (2019), 77 pp.

"The study is comprised of three main parts: a desk study of available and accessible material – reports, documents and media material; a qualitative study comprising over 200 interviews with ordinary people, experts, and persons with direct experience with radicalization leading to violent extrem ... ism (RVE); and a quantitative component consisting of national surveys of people’s information consumption habits. For the desk study, the effort was made to gain as broad a picture as possible, that is, to cover all five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. However, predictably and unfortunately, Uzbekistan and especially Turkmenistan proved difficult cases to study in full. For both the qualitative and quantitative field research activities, for several reasons, only the first three countries were included. As a result, this study is able to report most robustly on these three countries and propose observations regarding Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan only to a limited extent. Based on the desk study, the drivers of extremist sympathies as established in existing research have been political grievances (injustice from state structures; identity-based discrimination; oppressive political regimes, etc), economic difficulties (unemployment; indebtedness; poverty; and desire for quick and greater income) and ideological motivations (resentment of false values; striving for the singularly just and true life; for reward in a perceived afterlife). To these push and pull factors are added a range of enabling factors, such as migration, young age, gender (women), and means of communication. All these drivers of RVE need to be treated with caution, as stressed by various authors and suggested by evidence gained in field research. A general observation, gained from the desk research and supported by evidence in both qualitative and quantitative field studies, was the difference among the countries in degree of control over the information space, or the degree of hegemony over public discourse. Of the three most fully studied countries, hegemonic discourse was the strongest in Tajikistan, followed by Kazakhstan, and the least in Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan, analyzed to a limited extent, would be closer to the extreme of Tajikistan, whereas Turkmenistan was too closed to make reasonably robust observations." (Page 3) more

Google Scholar (41)

WorldCat (42)

Social Media in Africa: An Emerging Force for Autocrats and Activists

Geoffrey York

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 415-430

"The most extreme damage inflicted by social media can be seen in South Sudan. As documented in the chapter by Theo Dolan, social media in South Sudan has contributed to hatred and conflict among ethnic groups. Many investigators, including UN investigators, have warned that South Sudan's social med ... ia are triggering violence against ethnic groups. Since the beginning of the civil war in late 2013, social media has fuelled waves of hate speech that have provoked deadly violence and ethnic conflict in South Sudan, including massacres and other atrocities. In that sense, social media has become a new variation of the "hate radio" phenomenon that flourished in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide … Social media is also emerging as a powerful way to harass and intimidate the opponents of a regime or a political party. In this sense, it adds another weapon to the arsenal of a powerful regime that already has multiple weapons at its disposal. A regime can mobilize its supporters to use social media in a targeted way against its foes, or it can use its financial resources to create a fake army of fictional users on social media. In either case, it is tilting the playing field against its enemies. A targeted attack through social media can be more effective than the telephone threats or messages often deployed in the past. The use of social media can be more intimidating because it belittles the targeted person in front of a much bigger audience. The presence of this audience means that the attack is more damaging, more difficult to ignore and has the potential to mobilize large numbers of people against the victim … While social media is often used for anti-democratic purposes in Africa's authoritarian states, it has also been used as a force for reform, accountability and justice. It has helped to safeguard the fairness of elections. It has allowed greater scrutiny of potential threats, such as vote-rigging or violence, allowing citizens to be alerted when there is still a chance to prevent the worst abuses. It has put a spotlight on corruption and political wrongdoing, allowing activists to mobilize pressure on governments to resolve these long-neglected problems. In some cases, as it did in the Arab Spring, social media has played a role in toppling an authoritarian state. When an election was called in the small West African state of Gambia, where the dictator Yahya Jammeh had ruled for 22 years, opposition candidates had little access to state-controlled media. So the main opposition party created more than a dozen WhatsApp groups, allowing it to communicate with voters. Other forms of social media also proliferated. A leading independent group, the Gambia Youth and Women's Forum, discussed election issues on a public Facebook group with 55,000 members. The government blocked access to WhatsApp and eventually extended the shutdown to the entire internet, but Gambians used virtual private network (VPN) technology to bypass the shutdown. The opposition won the election and Jammeh was forced to flee the country." (Pages 419-423) more

Google Scholar (35)

WorldCat (39)

"Fake News," Dangerous Speech and Mass Violence: Challenges for Social Media in the Developing World

Stephanie MacLellan

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 483-500

"The cases discussed in this chapter have demonstrated how disinformation and rhetoric that is spread through social media in the developing world often meets the Benesch criteria for dangerous speech. It comes from influential sources, which can include family and friends who share it. It plays on ... more

Download (1)

Social Media and Conflict in South Sudan II: A Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms 2017-2018

Will Ferroggiaro

Washington, DC: PeaceTech Lab (2019), 36 pp.

"This report — Social Media and Conflict in South Sudan II: A Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms 2017-2018 — follows on its predecessor which was released in December 2016 after three years of civil war in South Sudan. It identifies key terms being used in the conflict, as well as new terms, context, ... more

Download (0)

Beyond the “Big Three”: Alternative Platforms for Online Hate Speech

SCAN Specialised Cyber-Activists Network (2019), 13 pp.

"As the ‘big three’ social media platforms Facebook, YouTube and Twitter increasingly lose their relevance for young users, other social media, especially Instagram, step up to fill this space. Our research showed that hate groups and extremists wishing to influence minors or young adults with t ... more

Google Scholar (48)

WorldCat (43)

What is the Relationship Between Hate Radio and Violence? Rethinking Rwanda's "Radio Machete"

Scott Straus

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 97-130

"The evidence amounts to a persuasive refutation of the commonly held beliefs that radio had widespread, direct effects and that hate radio was the primary driver of the genocide and participation in it. That said, the evidence suggests radio had some marginal and conditional effects. RTLM broadcast ... more

Google Scholar (34)

WorldCat (37)

Volkes Stimme? Zur Sprache des Rechtspopulismus

Thomas Niehr, Jana Reissen-Kosch

Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb), Sonderausg. (2019), 175 pp.

Download (2)

Digital Threats to Democracy

Marianne Elliott, Jess Berentson-Shaw, Kathleen Kuehn, Leon Salter, Ella Brownlie

The Workshop; Law Foundation; Luminate Foundation (2019), 244 pp.

"At the heart of the challenges to democracy posed by digital media are three core problems: 1. Platform monopolies: two or three corporations control not only our means of communication, but also the content which is distributed, both of which are core aspects of our democracy. Whilst the market po ... more

Download (0)

Network of Hatred: How Right-Wing Extremists Use Social Media to Court Young People

Alexandra Beyersdörfer, Flemming Ipsen, Steffen Eisentraut et al.

Mainz: jugendschutz.net (2019), 20 pp.

Download (0)

"Hate Speech: Was tun?": Online-Weiterbildungsangebot für Fachkräfte und interessierte Userinnen und User

jugendschutz.net (2019), 6 pp.

Download (0)

Jenseits der "Big three": Alternative Plattformen für Hassrede online

sCAN-Projektkonsortium (2019), 16 pp.

Download (2)

Social Media, Discrimination and Intolerance in South Africa: A Lexicon of Hateful Terms

Will Ferroggiaro

Washington, DC: PeaceTech Lab; Media Monitoring Africa (2019), 36 pp.

"South Africa’s upcoming general election marks 25 years of multi-racial democracy: a milestone which has us reflecting on how far the country has come - and how far it has to go. Despite real and lasting achievements, problems of massive economic inequalities, disparities in land ownership, and h ... more

Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond Deep Insights

Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond
Deep Insights