"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"Over the last five years, Mozambique has achieved significant improvements in the supporting infrastructure for developing and expanding media and ICTs. The expansion of the optical fibre services, and of access to fixed and mobile telephony and broadband Internet, have been instrumental in helping
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broadcasters extend coverage throughout the country. Mobile phone penetration currently covers 86.7 per cent of the population, including more isolated rural areas. The radio broadcasting subsector (public and community) is the most extensive in terms of both territorial and population coverage, while commercial television stations are also beginning to expand through the country and move beyond the urban centers. However, important constraints remain in this area, in particular: obsolete and insufficient transmission and production equipment in the public radio and television sector; poor quality electricity supply, especially in the districts; unreliable connectivity; shortage of technical capacity for maintenance and repairs to radio transmitters and studios; limited use and mastery of ICTs for producing and disseminating information; high costs for the air transport of newspapers; and poor distribution networks." (Conclusions, page 81)
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"Media scholars and students, professionals and policy-makers alike will be introduced to the specific problems and perspectives of media accountability in different media systems and journalistic cultures. The status quo of media criticism online across Europe will be a key issue and provide insigh
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ts into the innovative potential of media accountability in the digital age. Looked at from a comparative point of view, the reports hint at the formation of different cultures of media accountability within Europe and its adjacent countries. These media accountability cultures partly overlap with the journalism cultures identified in the well-known model by Hallin & Mancini who differentiate between North Atlantic or Liberal, Mediterranean or Polarised Pluralist, and Northern European or Democratic Corporatist media systems. At the same time, the development of media accountability and transparency shows distinctive features incongruent with established models of journalism cultures." (Back cover)
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"This study assesses the impact of the African Charter on Broadcasting, a blueprint for broadcasting reform in Africa, approved in 2001 at a conference of media practitioners and freedom of expression advocates held in Windhoek, Namibia. The geographical focus of this study is five countries in West
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Africa - Ghana, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal. The purpose of the study is to contribute to the strengthening of pluralistic media and the democratization of communication in countries in transition in West Africa. Its observations and recommendations are also of relevance to those engaged more widely in media reform advocacy and democracy promotion as well as scholars of broadcasting law and policy." (Introduction, page 13)
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"This report provides an overview of the different kinds of laws that affect the media and explains how they are used in many countries to influence the operations of news outlets and the information they offer. It focuses on restrictive laws more than on those of the enabling and empowering variety
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, for the simple reason that enabling laws are–unfortunately–relatively rare. It also considers how Internet-based outlets are affected by laws, and how the legal regime in a country affects the ability of individual bloggers or citizen journalists to hold their governments to account. This is a particularly significant area of inquiry as the reach of digital media spreads around the world, increasing in importance as the means by which citizens receive their news and information. While the focus of this report is on the impact of laws on media in the developing world, it also considers the use of laws–particularly on terrorism and libel–in other parts of the world. Many countries have inherited their libel laws from Britain or France, for example, and legal developments there continue to be influential elsewhere. Similarly, many countries have taken a copycat approach to introducing new anti-terrorism laws from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Western Europe and have applied them to clamp down on those who criticize the government." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This book offers a rigorous, theory-based, and uniquely comprehensive, analysis of European and international legal standards shaping minorities’ right to freedom of expression. The analysis pays particular attention to the instrumental role played by traditional and new forms of media in ensurin
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g that the right to freedom of expression of persons belonging to minorities is effective in practice. The relevant international legal framework is set out in detail, including a careful examination of the relationship between generalist and minority-specific international human rights instruments. Due attention is paid to the historical circumstances in which key instruments were developed and the contemporary context in which they are now being interpreted. The analysis is also informed by an awareness of institutional and political dynamics. All of this forms the basis for the book’s central objective: to mount a critical evaluation of the existing international legal framework governing freedom of expression for minorities, while drawing on theoretical insights gained from human rights scholarship and communications science. The first major focus of the evaluation is the regulation and restriction of expression to protect minority rights, in which issues such as pluralism, tolerance and “hate speech” feature centrally. Its second major focus, the regulation and facilitation of expression to promote minority rights, explores cultural and linguistic rights and media access questions." (Back cover)
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