"Today, the DRC tops the African charts in the number of registered media outlets, be they print media, radio or television. In 2008, 638 publications were registered country-wide; there were 341 radio stations and 82 television stations, although TV is still an essentially urban phenomenon, given t
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he lack of access to electricity. Despite this hugely diverse media landscape, citizens in the provinces are often deprived of access to information, as the media are most concentrated in the capital city, Kinshasa. Congolese media outlets are characterized by poor content, a severe shortage of material and technical capacity, and significant sustainability problems. Journalists work in an unsafe environment, lack regular salaries and protection, and regularly struggle with threats to press freedom. The legal and regulatory framework does not provide sufficient guarantees and basic regulations to ensure that media outlets abandon their “informal” practices. The advertising market is still undeveloped and disorganized, providing little financial backing to media companies. The supposedly “public” broadcaster is the mouthpiece of the government, and the only “public service broadcaster” is Radio Okapi, a UN-based station. In such an unfavorable context, the involvement of donors has become increasingly important over the last 20 years. The reasons why donors have intervened and continue to support the media sector are tied to the country’s political situation. The media have thus been supported for a variety of reasons: from 1990 to 1997: to encourage new democratic media freedoms; from 2000 to 2004: to promote a return to peace and reconstruction during negotiations to solve the conflict; from 2004 to 2007: to enable the media to play their part during the electoral process, as the first democratic elections during the last 40 years took place in 2006; from 2007 to 2011: to establish a solid and responsible press likely to take part in the consolidation of democracy. Reaching $80 million over the past ten years, media support by donors and operators has varied, essentially covering five types of activities: the creation of “neutral” and “apolitical” media and content (a recurring strategy in post-conflict countries); direct support (funds or equipment) for a number of outlets; media staff training; strengthening of the sector’s professional organizations and associations; consolidation of public institutions to organize the sector (including regulation and legal reform). Each of these types of interventions has generated both positive impacts and negative effects on individual journalists, newsrooms, media outlets and local organizations in the media sector. Beneficiaries, donors, and INGOs have all advanced their own critiques regarding the ways in which media support initiatives have been designed, implemented and assessed so far. They also make suggestions about how to improve media support in the future, to make it more consistent with the needs of the local Congolese media." (Executive summary, page 6-7
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"Mali’s media remain significantly underdeveloped in terms of business management, audience research and long-term sustainability. Many media organizations remain dependent on donor funding and have done little to develop business models to attract other sources of revenue. There are more than 50
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professional associations and networks that help with training and advocacy, yet they are affected by conflicts of interests that undermine their efforts. There is no school of journalism, and media-related trainings are short-term and often centered around the shifting priorities of donors. There is no union to protect the rights of journalists and to help them in circumstances of legal persecution or harassment. It is also clear that donor priorities and programs are not doing enough to ensure the continued development of a strong independent media system. Over the past 20 years, funding has shifted from programs designed to strengthen independent media to programs that see media as tools to disseminate development information." (Conclusion, page 33)
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"Peru’s media development landscape is uniquely characterized by prolonged funding of community radios by the Catholic Church, beginning in the 1960s and continuing until today. This activity appears to redress to some degree the lack of balanced development between Lima and the provinces. The 199
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0s was detrimental for freedom of the press and media development due to the Fujimori government’s control over the flow of information. Towards the end of the 1990s and as the country transitioned to the post-Fujimori era in the 2000s, funding for media development has focused primarily on promoting ethical journalistic practices, decentralizing the flow of information, democracy, institutional accountability, transparency, and programs dedicated to public health and gender issues. Two important laws were passed during the decade of the 2000s—the Transparency and Access to Information Law (2002) and the Radio and Television Law (2004). Media development is not necessarily the only or primary activity of all NGOs involved in the area. In some cases media is complementary to the NGOs’ other programs. Issues of sustainability are of concern. As Peru is becoming a middle income, stable democracy, donors are reducing their aid. However, in order to secure freedom of the press, decentralize information flows, and further media development, NGOs still need access to international funding." (Executive summary, page 5-6)
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"For the media in Kenya to improve further, the following recommendations emerge from the study: Provide clear regulation that liberates the media at all levels, including in the editorial process; invest in practical training of media professionals to cope with the dynamic media sector and the new
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availability of data from the Kenyan government; encourage participation of all citizens in public debates, by supporting community radios; improve welfare of media practitioners, including remuneration and working conditions; resolve ethical and professional issues in professional journalism; reduce different forms of censorship, including arbitrary, legalized and disguise or covert censorship, such as prohibitive taxation on production materials; invest in media access to increase the market opportunities for new businesses; do not assume that technology alone triggers social change, or that the change that accompanies new technologies are automatically democratic and beneficial; donors should stay informed about Kenyan innovation, and support it in appropriate ways, including helping to create a better enabling environment." (Recommnedations, page 29)
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"Western donor interventions to establish and develop an independent media landscape in Ukraine have been successful overall. Multiple Western donors have helped to support the development of civil society in Ukraine and the development of its independent media system. The political landscape, speci
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fically the fact that that between 2005 and 2010 the Ukrainian Government did not interfere with independent media development and the fact that journalists and the editors enjoyed relative freedom encouraged the further development of the media. Some claim that the pro-democratic political regime was instrumental in ensuring that independent media flourished after the Orange revolution. However, this development would not have been possible without Western donor investment in the independent media and in journalism training that have been made in Ukraine from the early 1990s until the present. Most importantly, over the last six years, because of a pro-democratic leadership and indirect political pressure from the European Union on Ukraine, which wants to join the European Union, Ukrainian media and NGOs have been able to develop and flourish and are having a clear, visible impact as government watchdogs and as a barometer for the development of civil society. However, after 2010, since the beginning of the Yanukovich presidency, these watchdog functions started to diminish. Civil society in Ukraine, although still fragile, has made significant progress in recent years, and media outlets and NGOs have played a central role in its development. Donor support has been influential in the establishment and the development of the vast majority of media monitoring organizations, media and journalist training organizations, media NGOs and to a lesser extent, independent media outlets in Ukraine. Many independent media in Ukraine today exist because of the grant aid they received over the years." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"In 2006 the BBC World Service Trust (BBC WST), funded by the UK Department for International Development, conducted research into media in 17 countries across sub-Saharan Africa in order to identify priorities for future media development initiatives. A series of African Media Development Initiativ
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e (AMDI) reports were produced, and this Media Sector Analysis builds on the Somalia component of that work. This analysis has been produced in consultation with media stakeholders and is grounded in a review of previously published material. The report is just one component of a larger media development project being delivered by the BBC WST entitled ‘Strengthening Radio Stations in Somalia to Promote Human Rights, Peace and Governance’ - a two-year project which aims to enhance the reach, levels of audience participation and professional capacity of Somali media. The media, and specifically, radio, is seen as a key local institution well placed to promote individual human and civil rights, freedom of expression and democratic dialogue. The project is informed by a rights perspective, ensuring that actions separately and collectively empower marginalised citizens, in particular, women and young people, to engage in direct dialogue with local authorities and thus have improved access to their civil and political rights. The project comprises two other strands in addition to the Media Sector Analysis: Capacity-building in six Somali radio stations [...]; media-related training for civil society rganisations [...] this report will inform the above project strands, as well as providing a basis for the development of media policy in the Somali region." (Foreword)
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"[...] International donor support for Afghanistan's media has had two primary goals. The short-term goal has been to counteract the effects of insurgent communications in order to win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people. The long-term goal has been to create a free and independent media secto
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r that will continue to function after donor support has ended. Although millions of dollars have been invested in the development of the Afghan media sector and the growth of private media since 2001 is considered one of Afghanistan's greatest success stories, neither of these donor goals is being met. Donor support for Afghan media has led to the growth of radio and television outlets that are almost entirely dependent on foreign funding - direct and indirect. Recent strategic communications policies have neither diminished nor adequately countered the presence of extremist voices in Afghanistan. Despite some examples to the contrary, Taliban communications continue to affect the lives of ordinary Afghans, whereas many communications by and from Western sources do not. Neither short- nor mid-term analysis of the Afghan economy - ranked the third poorest in the world by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) - foresees the growth of a market able to sustain Afghanistan's domestic media sector without foreign financing. The limited impact of Western communications endeavors, in conjunction with the predicted continued weakness of the Afghan economy, reveals an urgent need for a dramatic shift in the media strategies and goals pursued by the United States and its allies. First and foremost, donors should invest primarily in the Afghan media's production and dissemination of socially constructive contents rather than in building media institutions or infrastructure that the Afghan economy cannot support. For these contents to be received as authentic and credible, they must reflect the vulnerabilities and priorities that Afghans themselves have identified as vital. Donors should make a multiyear funding commitment to the media in Afghanistan. Support should be allocated to both terrestrial and wireless media through a transparent and competitive process developed jointly by donors and Afghan media experts. Aggressively supporting the dissemination of socially constructive contents through new outlets will permit access to both geographic and demographic segments of the population not adequately served by current media outlets." (Summary, page 3)
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"In der Debatte um die politische Wirkung von Medien wird häufig übersehen, dass internationale Akteure schon längst auf ausländische Kommunikationsräume Einfluss nehmen. Thema dieser Arbeit ist das Instrument der externen Medienhilfe, bei der mit finanzieller, materieller und beratender Unters
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tützung, aber auch durch verhindernde Maßnahmen ganze Mediensysteme beeinflusst werden. Die Fragestellung betrifft die handlungsleitenden Motive, die jeweiligen Ziele der Akteure und ihre Konzepte und Implementierungsstrategien, die theoretisch und praktisch am Beispiel wichtigsten Medienhilfe-Implementierer in den Nachkriegsregionen Bosnien-Herzegowina und Kosovo von 1995 bis 2006 nachgezeichnet werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"There has been significant growth in media outlets. In the new regime, the relationship between the media and the government has improved greatly. For the media in Tanzania to develop, resource allocation should be considered as a priority. There is a need to look at how much the government and don
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or community are funding the development of media, and which media should be given priority. Commitment from media players is very important, as is ethical reporting that contributes to a better society. The production of local content should be increased. In order for the media truly to understand the audience and their needs, they must engage in dialogue with the public. There exists a big gap between the concentration and number of media outlets in rural vs urban parts of Tanzania. Community media should be prioritised. There is a critical need for journalists to be trained in specialist areas and in investigative journalism, and for them to understand the importance of the role they play in improving democracy. Although most media organisations have planned media activities, only a few of them have a specific annual budget set aside for such activities. To improve media planning activities there should be a specific planned budget for media activities." (Summary & conclusions, page 57)
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"The lack of a consolidated government since the fall of Siyad Barre’s regime in 1991 has led to a proliferation in the number and variety of media sources in Somalia. However, inter-factional violence and conflict has since torn the country apart, creating a difficult environment for media practi
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tioners to work in. In the self-proclaimed autonomous state of Somaliland, relative political stability and cooperation from the community has created a potentially conducive environment to media development. However, a lack of international recognition has limited access to the financial assistance needed to strengthen the media sector outside of the public domain. Changes in university curricula and international initiatives have increased training options for journalists. More and more journalists are being trained in the basic skills and ethics of journalism which, as interviewees agree, has had a positive impact on the quality and quantity of information disseminated. Steady changes in production methods and content have increased the variety of programmes on TV and radio. Poverty and lack of infrastructure have limited the spread of TV and print in Somalia. Likewise, with low levels of literacy in Somalia, radio has the greatest reach, but stations remain concentrated in Mogadishu. An important change to the industry has been the formation of various journalistic trade unions, but journalists remain amongst some of the poorest paid in the world." (Summary & conclusions, page 77)
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"The liberalisation of airwaves and emerging democratic ideals have been important variables influencing increment in FM stations, new media products, a free press and freedom of expression. Occasional problems between the government and media players arise. The recognition by government of the incr
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easing relevance and role of the media in the country is evidenced by the committal to pass both the ICT policy and Media Bill, which have already been presented to parliament. With respect to various media organizations and their operations, there have been remarkable changes towards a vibrant media. For instance, broadcast and print media are now more careful about how they package and present information in order to obtain a competitive edge. The journalism curriculum is being reviewed continually to meet arising needs, while the spotlight is slowly turning to rogue trainers. The role of the public in the media and that of the media to the public are increasingly being acknowledged. A lack of sound policy and poor journalism practice continue to be critical issues. With regards to the impact of media development initiatives, the debate regarding selfregulation versus government regulation will continue to arise, especially with the Media Bill and ICT policy." (Summary & conclusions, page 65)
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"Changes have been gradual but the watershed was 1992/4 when the airwaves were liberalised, leading to the mushrooming of media institutions especially in the broadcasting area. In the past five years, the media in Uganda has become more vibrant, more liberated and there has been more freedom of exp
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ression overall. Opening up of media space led to the proliferation of private newspapers, private radio stations and private television stations, and the introduction and eager embrace of the Internet and mobile phones by many people. The horizon of news reporting has been widened to cover East Africa and the Great Lakes Region. There has been more diversity in what the media is reporting. The media has acquired prominence as one of the four pillars of governance. Investigative journalism has been improved, but there are many draconian laws on the books. Some are active but others lie dormant and may be activated at any time. There is a recognition by the media that there is a need to move their relations with government to a level that is more professional and more engaging, rather than accusing the latter simply of control and denial of access. More people are using the media as a tool for advocacy and development. Communities now actively participate in, and influence media programmes by contributing ideas." (Summary & conclusions, page 61)
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"The media sector has changed in recent years, mostly for the better, through the following media development processes: the 1990 Decree on the liberalisation of the broadcast sector to allow private entrants; significant increase in private radio and television, although licensing is still problema
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tic; seminars and training workshops for Cameroonian journalists supported by the donor community; introduction of a state subsidy system for private media houses, though the number and amount of such subsidies is still small; and, management change at the state television CRTV, with a new General Manager replacing one who had been in the position for 16 years." (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The most relevant changes that occurred during the past five years in Sierra Leone are the results of democracy (free and fair elections in 2002) and establishing the Independent Media Commission Act (IMC) of 2000 to help deregulate the formation of new media outlets. The resilience of media practi
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tioners and others fighting for press freedom led to some of the changes. Financial support from external partners also opened up the media and helped to develop the sector. Training, repealing anti-media laws, supporting an open media market, making information communication technology (ICT) available, deregulation and civil society cooperation with media practitioners are key issues. Media development initiatives over the past five years have been remarkable. Interviewees were upbeat about future progress." (Summary & conclusions, page 69)
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"While acknowledging that the situation is not entirely ideal, most of the interviewees believed a lot has been achieved in terms of the development of the media in Mozambique over the past five years. This was mainly due to relatively stable political conditions, underpinned by a liberal constituti
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on that enshrines media freedom and the freedom of expression as fundamental rights. In as far as press freedom is concerned, the Constitution is complemented by a Press Law that the interviewees in general considered to be fair, balanced and progressive, allowing for a diversity of views that play an important role in shaping public opinion. An informed public opinion is key for a political system that is deeply rooted in the people, and is in turn the basic condition for long-term stability, which in itself leads to sustainable social well-being and economic prosperity. It was interesting to note from the interviews that there is a general awareness of the important role of the mass media in Mozambique’s development process, and in the consolidation of the country’s nascent democracy. Despite this awareness, however, and although there is understanding of the need to develop the media, the issue has not been fully exploited either by government or by the donors. (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The media sector in Ghana has witnessed some dramatic, positive changes over the past few years, made possible by the promulgation of the 1992 democratic Constitution and the election in 2000 of President Kufuor’s government. All interviewees agreed that democratisation and the repeal of the Crim
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inal Libel Law have been the most important changes for the media sector, allowing for an explosion in the number of media houses in Ghana. Training was identified as the single most important media development initiative in the individual interviewees’ areas of work." (Summary & conclusions, page 57)
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"Relevant changes in Angolan media were noticed in the press. Newspapers grew the most radios grew some, but TV did not grow at all. There are few new media development initiatives known in Angola. The greatest initiative, though still not in effect, is the new Media Law. The growth of the Sindicato
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dos Jornalistas de Angola (SJA) has seen the election of new management and the organisation has become very active in empowering journalists and defending their rights." (Summary & conclusions, page 47)
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"Overall, South Africa has a relatively vibrant and developing media environment. The 15 interviewees were involved in 37 media development initiatives between them. These development initiatives comprise the following: 12 training initiatives; nine advocacy initiatives; five research initiatives; t
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hree training media initiatives; two legal support initiatives; one award initiative; one grant making initiative; one conference; and, one revenue stream generation initiative [...] Through their experiences of designing, implementing and evaluating their media development initiatives, interviewees offer the following learning points regarding success. They stress the importance of strategic and long-term planning, of working with partners where possible, avoiding dependency on donors and taking the cultural context into account [...] Interviewees praised media development initiative donors for starting to seek advice about the real needs on the ground. However, interviewees feel that donors are falling short in the following ways: the withdrawal of funding from South Africa; the duplication of initiatives; conducting the wrong training; only providing short-term funding; being too prescriptive; and, not providing for core costs. According to the participating media professionals, the strategic priorities for media development are media management training, community participation, specialised reporting training and media monitoring." (Summary & conclusions, page 99-100)
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